Colorado Migrant Council

Colorado’s history in agriculture began early, with archaeologists discovering farm settlements in Southwestern Colorado dating back to 600 C.E. (Freeman 2022). Indigenous groups, such as the Ancestral Puebloans or eastern Anasazi tribes, farmed on annually-restoring floodplains, until moving to less fertile soils and adapting to drought conditions. After ancestral populations disappeared, hunter and gatherers briefly took their place until Hispanic settlers established farmlands. These settlers introduced Indigenous crops from the Americas (corn, beans, potatoes, chiles), European crops (wheat, lentils), cattle, livestock, and machinery like hoes, plows, and mills. After the Gold Rush, permanent settlements began forming along the Front Range. Colorado began commercially farming vegetables, as well as raising dairy and ranching cattle. As these operations grew, they required large amounts of labor, and these low-wage, labor-intensive jobs were often outsourced to poor immigrants. These growers were initially Volga Germans fleeing czarist Russia in the 1880s, until eventually being replaced by Mexican growers after the Mexican Revolution in 1910 (Freeman 2022).

The U.S.’s capitalist framework of hiring agricultural workers for cheap created a system based on exploitation, and because of this, agricultural workers across the nation, historically and continually lack access to basic human rights. “The largest issues facing farm workers today are access to healthcare, transportation to work, and food insecurity” (L. Holland, personal communication, April 19, 2023). Project Protect Food Systems argues that farmer workers are undervalued and often exploited particularly after being deemed “essential” during the COVID-19 pandemic (Project Protect Farm Workers—Mission Statement). Our research in this project aims to understand more about Colorado migrant farmworkers who fight to gain access to their human rights, both historically and currently. 

Our investigation seeks to better understand the barriers to healthcare access for Colorado migrant workers. This investigation has led us to dissect scholarly sources and content from the Rare & Distinct Archive collections from CU Boulder Norlin Library. We began research through the lens of the Colorado Migrant Council in the 1970s to 1980s and have expanded to recent developments of these barriers via advocacy groups and protection agencies. This investigation is a part of a larger challenge to identify sources and histories of environmental racism. Environmental racism refers to policy, practice, or actions that disproportionately affects individuals of groups or communities based on race/ ethnicity (Bullard, 1994). Farmworkers can face a plethora of health conditions from increased exposure to particle dust or pesticide pollutants (“Occupational and Environmental Health”). (see terms section for a more in depth explanation)

The Colorado Migrant Council was a non-profit advocacy based group that worked to improve the wellbeing and lives of migrant farm workers. The council later worked to distribute and allocate federal and state funding. 

"The Council had two main goals: (1) to provide assistance to the migrant and seasonal agricultural worker in dealing with the causes of poverty by providing educational opportunities to migrants and their children, and (2) to improve the environmental situation of migrants through better housing, sanitation, health, and nutrition" (Collection: Colorado Migrant Council Records | Rare and Distinctive Collections – University of Colorado Boulder, n.d.).

University of Colorado Boulder's Department of Sociology established an educational program after numerous people sought out the power and funding opportunities of the University. In March of 1966, a conference was held concerning farmworker conditions, and in May of that same year the Colorado Migrant Council was born. The official formation of the council meeting had Chicano community leaders, migrant agricultural workers, concerned Colorado citizens, and farmers in attendance. By mid May of 1966, by-laws and a board of directors had been established. The CU Rare & Distinct Archive Collection dates records from 1961 to 1980, but it is difficult to determine the exact date when the council faced closure (likely due to the loss of funding) or was absorbed by another organization. Funding came from the Migrant Branch of the Office of Economic Opportunity and from University of Colorado Boulder (Collection: Colorado Migrant Council Records | Rare and Distinctive Collections – University of Colorado Boulder, n.d.). The council was divided into the regions: the Arkansas Valley, San Luis Valley, Montrose, Delta, the Western Slope, and the Northern Area. Our investigation seeks to understand their education and healthcare programs at a state-wide level, not area specific.

Structural Barrier: “A structural barrier is policies, practices, and other norms that favor for an advantaged group while systematically disadvantaging a marginalized group” (Simms et. al., 2015). 

Migrant Worker/Migrant Seasonal Farmworker/Agricultural Worker: “A migrant farmworker is defined as an individual who is required to be absent from a permanent place of residence for the purpose of seeking remunerated employment in agricultural work” (Migrant Clinician). A migrant seasonal farmworker may only be employed during harvest season or specific parts of the year. Throughout this presentation, these terms will be used interchangeably. 

Environmental Racism: Marginalized (or historically marginalized) communities tend to be victim to a range of environmental threats. Environmental threats include municipal waste incinerators, coal-fired power plants, toxic pollution, hazardous workplaces and more. These threats lead to increased exposure to pollution (Park & Pellow, 2011). The effects of the anthropocene are not felt equally across the globe nor within a nation’s borders. For example, indigenous communities are more likely to be impacted by industrial mining operations. Environmental racism and structural determinism are interconnected as the injustices felt by some are not felt by all. Systematic instruments of racism, Discriminatory housing policies, redlining, voter suppression laws, and others have contributed to the location of these environmental threats. Their location often falls within the bounds of historically marginalized communities. In retrospect, “environmental racism refers to any policy, practice, or directive that differently affects or disadvantages (whether intended or unintended) individuals, groups, or communities based on race or color” (Bullard, 1994). 

Environmental Justice: Environmental justice is the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, national origin, or income, with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws, regulations, and policies. (EPA, 2014). 

Environmental Privilege: “Environmental privilege results from the exercise of economic, political, and cultural power that some groups enjoy, which enables them exclusive access to coveted environmental amenities such as forests, parks, mountains, rivers, coastal property, open lands, and elite neighborhoods. Environmental privilege is embodied in the fact that some groups can access spaces and resources, which are protected from the kinds of ecological harm that other groups are forced to contend with every day” (Park & Pellow, 2011).

Through out our investigation of migrant farmworkers we read about numerous education programs lead by the the Colorado Migrant Council. Healthcare is a right and should not be an exclusive commodity just for the privileged. However, healthcare access for migrant farmworkers was met with various barriers that the council worked to fight against. Barriers include: language, documentation status, and transportation.

Language has been seen to be a barrier or risk factor in several studies. These studies focus on it being a risk factor for health problems due to language differences between migrant farm workers and their supervisors. The studies say that language differences may lead to miscommunication about safety precautions to follow while on the farm. This then results in more workplace accidents, chronic problems, and exposure to unsafe substances or chemicals (Hansen & Donohoe, 2010). The Colorado Agricultural Workers’ Rights bill added new requirements to post a template with workers’ rights visibly within the workplace. The bill also required these posters be posted in all appropriate languages, for Colorado migrant workers, this was primarily spanish. Along with higher levels of exposure and injury, language barriers also show up in the actual places they are seeking care in. Language differences result in misunderstanding the health effects the migrant farm workers are experiencing as well as the treatment options and the cost of those treatments. Another barrier is farm workers experience a fear of immigration services while seeking health care which is exacerbated by language barriers (Baker & Chappelle, 2012). Additionally, there may be linguistic differences in phrases or meaning that may become lost or misunderstood in translation such as this one;

The Migrant Council discusses this in a section titled “Illness and Perceptions of Health Problems”. This section discusses cultural differences between Spanish-speaking people and white people and the effects that these cultural differences have on the healthcare system. The poor translation of one of the most common illnesses for the migrant farmworker community to include the word “evil” is just one example of how language can affect the perceptions of both healthcare providers and those seeking medical assistance. However, the migrant council records also wanted to stress that there are areas that create opportunities to find common ground. From the same page in the documents as the excerpt above, the author says “I think that where we find congruences, where we find that they and we share attitudes, it is here that we can begin the building of a good, potentially successful, public health program”. This quote demonstrates that there is much work to be done to bridge the gap between different languages spoken within the healthcare system, however, there is hope that progress can, and will, be made.

Most migrant workers fall under the category of Migrant Seasonal Farmworkers (MSFW). This means that they must fall under the qualifications of working within the agricultural field on a seasonal basis and require temporary housing because of this temporary job (Colorado - workers' rights). Because these farmworkers and their families are here on a temporary basis, the laws are able to find loopholes around existing labor laws that apply to U.S. citizens. The visas that they receive to do their jobs and live in the United States on a temporary basis means they are excluded from the laws in place to protect workers’ rights. Although seasonal worker visas offer little protection of rights, they can also be very difficult to obtain. When we asked Brian Parrott about his experience and knowledge he said that H2A visas have very strict requirements and can have a lengthy process to receive them. More information about our interview with Brian Parrott is outlined below. One example of Migrant Seasonal Farm Workers rights' not being protected is that migrant farm workers are not able to receive overtime pay until after November 1st, which is after the bulk of the seasonal work is over, and once they are able to receive overtime pay, they only receive it after 60 hours worked as opposed to the 40 hours of non-migrant workers. Recent revisions and new laws have changed some of the historically unjust policies. Migrant farm workers' minimum wage is now the same as the rest of Colorado, and MSFW now receives the same worker's compensation as other workers in Colorado. However, this does not change the fact that these benefits were not available to migrant farm workers until very recently. In addition, legal services are harder to come by for migrant workers, however, we will discuss programs that exist today in our final section of this article. Finally, Migrant Farmworkers do not have the same rights to join a union or negotiate with their employers with no risk of repercussions. This means farm workers must choose between poor working conditions and job security.

Many agricultural workers do not have access to transportation to health facilities due to the nature of their working conditions (Stallones, Valley, & Pennington, 2022). Farm locations are often rural and isolated from primary and specialty health services. Because of the distance to health services, many farm workers lack transportation services to be able to access health services (Kugel & Seda, 2021). Many migrant farm workers are not able to pay for their own vehicles and there are little to no public transportation services available in rural areas. Health services are usually only open during business hours making it very difficult for farm workers to be able to put enough time away to access these services. Transportation has historically been an issue in accessing essential services for farmworkers, especially in Colorado. The Colorado Migrant Council worked to provide neighborhood health centers with mini-bus shuttles offered to the farmworks who lived an average of twelve miles from the nearest health center (CU Boulder Rare & Distinctive Archives). Workers have reported that transportation is still one of the biggest barriers to accessing healthcare services (Stallones, Valley, & Pennington,  2022). In Colorado, the recent farmworker legislation requires that employers provide safe and adequate transportation to farmworkers without vehicles to be able to visit health workers (Stallones, Valley, & Pennington, 2022).  

Other council led programs include: education, food access, and living conditions.

It may come to a surprise that farm workers themselves would be food insecure, but as our investigation into migrant labor in Colorado has continued, the harsh reality comes to light. Farm workers can be food insecure due to transportation, rural locations, low wages, and food deserts. The Colorado Migrant Council worked in conjunction with the Migrant Family Health Project to provide food access programs and education efforts on nutrition and consumer habits. In Colorado, in the 1970s the Emergency Food and Medical services provided food vouchers and food stamps in various counties across the state (National Migrant Information Clearinghouse, 1974, p. 29). Today, organizations such as Frontline Farming aim to “create greater equity in the food system” (Clarrisa Guy, 2021). 

The nutrition services of the Migrant Family Health Project include providing food program knowledge and encouraging nutritional habits to become better food-buying consumers.

The Colorado Migrant Council established numerous education programs in the 1960s to 1980s. Through primary source documents and official council meeting notes via the Rare & Distinct Archives Collection at CU Boulder, we have learned about these crucial programs. Education programs included lessons for young children as well as night classes for adults. Education curriculum included resources for health care access, language courses, and explanations on legal document status or paperwork. 

Camps and other on-site housing were, and still are provided for agricultural workers and those in need of places to stay as camps were located. Almost all of these spaces did not provide livable conditions as they were disregarded and left unclean. Mattresses were stained and left to rot and the rooms were filled with dust. In some circumstances, lavatories were left untouched and their stench would spread to other rooms, making them unbearable to stay in (Chase, 1967, 48). Plumbing was ignored and bathrooms would become flooded. In one instance, “the drain in the shower room was plugged and almost the entire floor was covered by water thick with filth which one had to walk through to get to the shower” (Chase, 1967, 48). This specific occurrence took place in Delta, Colorado, by, at the time, an assistant professor of law here at the University of Colorado, Boulder, Jonathan B Chase. 

Despite the efforts of numerous activists and advocates, there are still disparities and injustices faced by migrant workers. As of 2021, “for every dollar earned by a white man, Latino men earn 76 cents,” while Latina women earn 45 cents (Holland & Thorson, 2021). Food insecurity persists among migrant workers and their families, along with systemic barriers. National resources have been made available to help communities affected by negative occurrences. Such programs exist “such as the National School Breakfast and Lunch Program,” as well as local assistance organizations most commonly known as food pantries and soup kitchens (Holland & Thorson, 2021). While these programs help, they can only assist those with legal status, thus excluding many migrant workers themselves. 

Within Colorado specifically, in the summer of 2021, the Colorado Legislature passed SB 21-087, also known as the Agricultural Workers’ Rights Bill. This bill has done many things to benefit migrant workers within Colorado by 

• Providing protection to agricultural workers against employer retaliation (Colorado General Assembly, 2021)

• Enabling workers to form and join labor unions, engage in collective bargaining, and organize collectively. (Colorado General Assembly, 2021)

• Sets a baseline wage that employers must pay to their workers (Colorado General Assembly, 2021)

• Mandates that employers provide transportation to their workers (Colorado General Assembly, 2021)

• Entitles employees to take meal breaks and rest periods (Colorado General Assembly, 2021)

• Establishes new regulations for visitors in housing provided by employers for their employees (Colorado General Assembly, 2021)

Despite the implementation of 21-087, policies are continuously being developed to establish fair and equitable working practices, marking the start of these efforts. While many organizations are in support of equal treatment amongst migrant workers such as “The American Federation of State, Colorado AFL-CIO, and the Project Promorora Network”, we must recognize that there are organizations that are opposed to setting fair policies, a few being “Colorado Farm Bureau, Colorado Livestock Association, Colorado Cattlemen’s Association, and the Rocky Mountain Farmer’s Union” (Miller, 2021).  

“The Forgotten History of Farm Workers and Recent Steps Toward Food Justice in CO” published on the Nourish Colorado site in July of 2021, sparked our interest in the current status of migrant farm workers in Colorado. Co-author Liz Holland, a part of CU Boulder’s Environmental Masters Program, sat down with us to discuss her research and involvement in the farming industry. Holland has focused her undergraduate research on local scale farmers and marketing initiatives for rural America. The majority of our conversation centered around Colorado SB21-087, discussed above. Holland’s main concerns for migrant farm workers was food access, health, wage, and retaliation. Holland, herself is not a migrant farm worker, and urges that farm worker interviews and perspective be emphasized. Holland worked with Dr. Damien Thompson, co-founder of Frontline Farming. “[Frontline Farming] a Denver based BIPOC and women led farming non-profit organization whose mission is to create greater equity across the food system, to support and create greater leadership and access for women and people of color in our food systems” (“Damien Thompson”, 2021). (L. Holland, personal communication, April 19, 2023). 

(*We unfortunately could not schedule an interview with someone directly involved in Colorado farming)

Brian Parrott is the Director of Sales and Marketing at Associate Buyers, an organic food distributor, but he used to run the market and restaurant at Applecrest Farm Orchards. The 110 year old fruit and vegetable farm is located in Hampton Falls, New Hampshire. Applecrest and other NH Apple Council farms have a long standing history of employing farm workers through the Department of Health’s H2A visa program. Applecrest traditionally has employed around 30+ farmworkers from Jamaica, in two waves: pre-harvest and harvest season. The farm is required to post job listings to the town before submitting the visa request. “The reality is that there are not enough, or not enough [Americans] qualified to fill the jobs,” Parrott says. He wasn’t exactly sure why Jamaica, but that North East farms in general had a history of employing migrant workers from Jamaica.

We discussed the scope of our project in relation to Applecrest’s employment of migrant seasonal workers. “The program’s [H2A] requirements were relatively strict,” says Parrott. Parrott was not a part of the hiring or application process for the visas, but commented on the housing requirements, transportation, and wages of the Jamaican staff. When I questioned him on the transportation, he told me about the bus and 12 passenger van the farm has. In some cases, the men would buy cars in town and keep them on the farm over the winter till they returned. Parrott acknowledged that transportation is a concern for rural farms, and NH is no exception as public transportation doesn’t necessarily exist. Parrott didn’t receive healthcare insurance from his employment but as for the migrant workers, the owner was known to drive to the hospital and cover the costs in times of health crisis. Parrott shares his critiques of the “lax-enforcement in general on farms.” Just last year Applecrest was forced to upgrade the 60 pack line (apple washing conveyor belt) due to safety concerns from either OSHA or the Department of Labor. “I am always amazed at the lack of safety regulations in place- not just for the Jamaicans but for the rest of the staff.” Parrott and I discussed the Colorado SB21-087. Parrott thought back to how the farm would offer safer tools for harvesting but that the farm staff would often prefer their own methods of picking the produce, hence the ‘lax- enforcement.’ Parrott comments on how the visa program helps small farms who wouldn't otherwise have the staffing to manage harvests.

As there are still issues pertaining to migrant workers today, The Colorado Migrant Council made it possible for better working conditions for Colorado agricultural workers as a whole. Efforts continue to be made to implement higher standards as to how agricultural workers are treated.

Ways to support migrant workers include reaching out to state representatives and advocating your voice and thoughts (Holland & Thorson, 2021). Any petition you may come across in support of “broadening protection for farm workers” can greatly support these efforts if you support the campaign (Holland & Thorson, 2021). If you have the means, consider donating to such programs that work to “secure farm workers' rights,” such as “Project Protect Food Systems and Cultivando” (Holland & Thorson, 2021).