Corby, UK

Corby is a town in the north of the county of Northamptonshire, England, covering around 80 sq km.

About Corby

Corby is a town in the East Midlands of England, UK. As of mid-2019 the area had an estimated population size of 72,218, of which 16.8% (12,114 people) were young people aged 15-29 years old. This compares to 18.5% of the UK national population, and 18.6% in the East Midlands region, although its population is slightly more youthful than the Northamptonshire average (16.3%) [ 1 ] .

In terms of ethnicity, Corby’s population is less diverse than its county, region and nation: the 2011 Census recorded 5.5% of Corby’s population as White, compared to 91.5%, 89.3% and 85.5% respectively for Northamptonshire, the East Midlands and England [ 2 ] .

Over the last century, the town has experienced multiple periods of substantial social and economic transition. The opening of its first steel works in 1934 initiated its urbanisation. Throughout the 1930s, the village settlement rapidly grew with an influx of miners and industrial workers, with the town becoming dubbed ‘Little Scotland’ as a significant proportion of these migrated from Scotland. In 1950, Corby was then designated for development under the 1946 New Towns Act. This was a post-war policy to help re-construct Britain’s communities, with urban planning which aimed to reflect the successes of the ‘garden city’ movement. Yet, in 1979 it was announced that Corby’s British Steel plant would close, marking a change in the town’s trajectory. Through the 1980s, deindustrialisation led to mass unemployment and economic hardship in the town. Nowadays, the town’s economy revolves around manufacturing and distribution.

Over the last decade, various packages of funding have been invested to support Corby’s regeneration- as the impacts of deindustrialisation have been compounded by crises related to the 2007 financial crash and Covid-19 pandemic.

Timeline of Corby

Today, Corby is one of the fastest growing areas in the UK outside of London and the council has announced the aim of continuing this population growth to 100,000 residents by 2030. Two narratives seem to dominate Corby's post-industrial development: the town's "phoenix-like" growth, and it's prevailing social inequalities and high levels of poverty.

The map of deprivation indicates that 10% of areas in Corby urban core are in the most deprived decile at the national level and, in total, almost a third of areas are in the 20% most deprived in England. In contrast, the rural areas outside the town are relatively affluent.

Local governance

Until recently, local governance in Corby reflected a ‘two-tier’ council structure whereby local government functions were split between two councils: a larger ‘county council’ (Northamptonshire), mostly responsible for strategic services such as transport, and people-facing services such as public health, children’s services and adult social care; and a smaller ‘district council’ within this (Corby Borough), responsible for more place-related services such as housing, planning and licensing [ 3 ] .

However, in 2018, Northamptonshire County Council effectively declared itself bankrupt by issuing a Section 114 notice. Subsequently, on 1st April 2021, Corby Borough Council merged with three other local district councils – Kettering Borough Council, Wellingborough Borough Council and East Northamptonshire Council – to form a new ‘unitary council’: North Northamptonshire Council. This process of reform means that previously two-tier areas become part of one ‘single-tier’ council which carries out all local government functions [ 4 ] .

Inequality and the policy context

In the decade since 2010, UK national policy was overwhelmingly characterised by austerity: measures to cut government expenditure. Austerity became a key driver of inequality, with the impacts concentrated at local scales among the most deprived places and marginalised communities:

Austerity disproportionately impacts those already worse off. Poorer households are more reliant on a range of public services, thus they feel the cumulative impact of multiple cuts [ 5 ] . Austerity had an uneven geography. The most deprived English authorities experienced cuts almost six times higher than those in the least deprived authorities [ 6 ] . Poorer areas also rely more on central government grants (since authorities are less able to make as much independent income) meaning the effects of cuts were further exaggerated [ 7 ] .

Education

The national policy context

In the UK, education policy is set by the four devolved nations (England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland). In England, there have been concerted efforts to reduce inequalities in educational outcomes and to improve overall levels of attainment.

One of the key policy changes was the decision to raise the school-leaving age. In 2008, the national legal minimum age to leave education was 16 years old; this has gradually been increased and since 2015 young people must remain in education until they are 18 years old. Schooling is compulsory until age 16 but after this education may take the form of academic or vocational qualifications, or work-based training such as apprenticeships, or a mix of education, work and volunteering  [ 8 ] .

Recognising the structural inequalities which affect how well children are likely to achieve at school, policies have been created and implemented to provide extra resources and support to help the most disadvantaged children succeed. One of these schemes is the ‘pupil premium’ which was launched in 2011 and gives state schools extra funding to help increase the attainment levels of their disadvantaged pupils [ 9 ] . For the year 2021/22, over 7.6 million children will be eligible for the pupil premium, with over £2.2 billion funding allocated. In the East Midlands, 22.1% of primary school pupils and 25.3% of secondary school pupils will be eligible for funding [ 10 ] .

Other policies have targeted vocational education and technical skills development. These include the Post-16 Plan to provide a reformed technical education option with a framework of 15 ‘technical routes’ [ 11 ] . In Corby, the local campus of Tresham College is key site for the delivery of further education, including these reformed options. At the same time, the English Apprenticeships scheme has seen multiple reforms, including the introduction of apprenticeships of different levels and minimum standards for apprenticeships. There are financial incentives for small businesses to take on apprentices, and an Apprenticeship Levy on businesses with an annual salary bill of over £3 million to cross-subsidise this [ 12 ] .

Educational inequalities in Corby

You have a lot of schools that achieve well but within those schools you have a lot of children who aren't reaching their potential. (Education expert, Corby)

Corby’s educational attainment levels have improved in recent years but remain lower than the national average. At the local level, there are also inequalities in the standard of education provision within Corby, and the 'disadvantage gap’ evident at the national level is also present.

From a government and educational monitoring board’s perspective, Corby’s educational inequalities are widespread and varied; with 48 out of 52 schools receiving ‘Good’ or ‘Outstanding score in their latest Ofsted reports, but 2 schools deemed as ‘Inadequate’ and 7 which ‘Require Improvement' [ 13 ] . Of the 11 colleges for students aged 16-18, 5 received ‘below average’ progress scores between GCSE and A-level grades [ 14 ] .

Tackling inequalities at the local level

One local policy that is intended to tackle these issues is the Championing Education Excellence School Improvement Strategy [ 15 ] . This was launched in 2015 by Northamptonshire County Council to try to raise attainment, aspirations and increase opportunities for young adults in the region. Some of the key priorities outlined in this strategy are to increase the percentage of children and young children in Northamptonshire who are attending schools rated as ‘good’ or ‘outstanding’ by Ofsted, the school inspectorate; to increase attainment levels; and to close the disadvantage gaps across the county whilst stretching more able pupils' achievements.

The strategic plan focused on improvements in leadership; partnership and collaboration; improved commissioning; a new recruitment & retention plan for teachers; improved training; and intensive focus on key areas of concern. However, measuring the success of this strategy has been difficult as the Covid-19 pandemic has interrupted educational programmes and increased inequalities in some areas.

Northamptonshire County Council also offers several programmes that offer wrap around services that support young people's educational, health and future needs. These come under the umbrella of Young Northants [ 16 ] . The programme offers a range of online support services and hotlines, and aims to ensure young people at the crucial stages of secondary education aged 14-18 feel supported in their educational journey. They provide support on next steps after education as well as information on working alongside remaining in education.

Employment

National Trends and Policies

After the financial crash of 2007, national employment strategies and policies focused on economic recovery. In more recent years, this has also had to account for post-Brexit changes and the challenges that arose through the Covid-19 Pandemic.

In the wake of the 2007 financial crash, unemployment rates rocketed across the UK. The UK economy shrank by more than 6% between the first quarter of 2008 and the second quarter of 2009 [ 17 ]  meaning that, by the end of 2011, almost 2.7 million people were out of work [ 18 ]  with the unemployment rate reaching 8.4% for the first time since 1995 [ 19 ] . Youth unemployment rates (among those aged 18-24) increased to over 20% in 2011, up from 11% in 2008; and economic inactivity among this age group reached 32.3% in early 2011 [ 20 ] .

In the wake of the 2007 financial crash, unemployment rates rocketed across the UK. The UK economy shrank by more than 6% between the first quarter of 2008 and the second quarter of 2009 [ 21 ]  meaning that, by the end of 2011, almost 2.7 million people were out of work [ 22 ]  with the unemployment rate reaching 8.4% for the first time since 1995 [ 23 ] . Youth unemployment rates (among those aged 18-24) increased to over 20% in 2011, up from 11% in 2008; and economic inactivity among this age group reached 32.3% in early 2011 [ 24 ] .

Under austerity measures, policy has largely incentivised work through welfare reforms. In 2013, a benefit cap was introduced which made it so households could not earn more from benefits than they would through work. Initially set to be similar to the national average wage [ 25 ] , this was then reduced in 2015 and has remained unchanged since, despite inflation [ 26 ] .  Another policy put forward was the Work Programme, introduced in 2011. It sought to help support those at risk of long-term unemployment. However, as of 2015, 70% of Work Programme participants were still not achieving sustained employment two years on from the programme [ 27 ] .

Other policies have attempted to target the issue of parental unemployment and the impact this can have on young people. The Child Poverty Strategy some of the root causes of child poverty were unemployment and low earnings [ 28 ] . Of the 1.5 million children from poor working families in 2011/12, only 100,000 were in families where both parents had full-time employment. Therefore, the government supported small and medium sized companies, raised minimum wage and personal tax allowances, and tackled job mobility to ensure children were provided the best start at life.

Shifting towards planning for a post-Brexit context in the late 2010s, national employment policies focused on increasing productivity and economic growth. The 2017 White Paper set out government plans to build “a Britain fit for the future”. This was through helping businesses provide higher-paying jobs all over the United Kingdom [ 29 ] . In particular, the South East Midland’s Local Industry Strategy (which includes the Corby FUA) focused on increasing productivity and sustainability by investing in industries related to the UK ‘Grand Challenge’ of the future of mobility [ 30 ] .

In more recent years, packages put forward to support local economic development and boosts in productivity have been framed in terms of ‘levelling up’ [ 31 ] . One way it did this was the Towns Fund, which released £3.6 billion into the local economies of struggling towns to help ‘level up’ [ 32 ] . Corby received over £162,000 from this fund, which is being used to drive growth and create jobs through urban regeneration; skills and enterprise infrastructure; and improved connectivity. This was described as a “Catalyst for Corby employment” (Employment Expert, Northamptonshire). The Get Building Fund also invested £900 million to support areas across the UK who have experienced the biggest economic challenges due to Covid-19 [ 33 ] . Some was invested into Corby, and will be used to promote a green recovery and provide new employment opportunities to those impacted by Covid-19.

Despite the support from the Coronavirus Job Retention Scheme, where the UK government paid part of furloughed employees’ wages, Covid-19 still caused a significant impact [ 34 ] . The impact on young people was large, as over 600,00 16-24-year-olds were not in employment on Universal Credit in August 2020 [ 35 ] . Research also found that 16-25-year-olds were more than twice as likely than older works to have lost their job, while six in 10 saw their earnings fall [ 36 ] . A response to this was the Kickstart Scheme. Launched in September 2020, the scheme allowed for 16-24-year-olds on Universal Credit to gain 6-month job placements through government funding to businesses [ 37 ] . As of January 2021, more than 120,000 job placements were created through the scheme [ 38 ] .

Local trends and policies

In the 1980s, Corby, the formerly thriving epicentre for the English steel industry, had its steel works closed by British Steel, dramatically increasing unemployment and poverty, and making 6,000 redundant at once [ 39 ] . Today, as a reflection of national trends towards a precarious labour market, most work available in Corby is through employment agencies and is typically temporary contracts. These issues particularly impact younger workers, with 9.9% of 16-24-year-olds employed on zero hours contracts by the end of 2020, compared to the UK percentage of 3.1% in this same time period [ 40 ] .

The North Northamptonshire Joint Strategy (2011-2031) outlines that to maintain the existing balance between labour force and employment, it is necessary to create a minimum of 24,200 net jobs across all sectors of the economy between 2011 and 2031. As part of its planning strategy, it set a target of a 9,700 net job growth in Corby over this time period [ 42 ] . The Corby Economic Development Strategy (2015-2020) echoed the same intentions in its vision to build upon major developments in the town [ 43 ] . Yet, it appears that through conversation with local experts, these strategies have had limited practical impact.

The lack of skilled jobs also limits pay, and thus impacts living standards. Total median weekly earnings (gross) in Corby are lower than national levels in England in 2020, reflecting the types of jobs available locally. Male averages are lower than national levels. However, whilst female earnings generally lag behind due to a gendered differences (e.g. type of jobs, part-time work, pay gaps), the median female earnings in Corby are higher than the English national level [ 44 ] .

Locally the labour market doesn't have many opportunities" (Youth Employment Officer, Northamptonshire)

More recently, the Covid-19 pandemic impacted job prospects. One interviewee noted that the pandemic has hidden youth unemployment behind schemes such as the Furlough scheme and added a layer of complexity to youth graduate employment opportunities as many local companies and employers view graduates as just too expensive to hire (Youth employment officer, Northamptonshire).

Housing

National trends and policies

As house prices rise faster than earnings, unemployment has grown, and the ‘housing safety net’ weakened under welfare reforms, both rough sleeping and statutory homelessness figures have increased. The national rough sleeper ‘snapshot’ count rose by 23% between Autumn 2010 and Autumn 2011, a more dramatic growth dynamic than anything seen since the 1990s [ 45 ] . Temporary accommodation (TA) placements also rose, with Bed and Breakfast hotel placements almost doubling between 2014-16, including an alarming rise in the numbers of households with children in TA between March 2010 and 2012 [ 46 ] .

By 2019, ‘core homelessness’ in England – a concept which captures the most severe and immediate forms of homelessness – is estimated at nearly 220,000, having risen from about 187,000 in 2012 [ 47 ] . During 2020, these numbers dropped to around 200,000, mainly due to the government’s emergency measures in response to Covid-19 [ 48 ] . Nonetheless, as more single adults were placed in TA during the pandemic, there were 95,45 households in temporary accommodation by the end of March 2021, of which 61.9% included dependent children [ 49 ] .  

The Localism Act (2011) provides local areas with the power to control its housing and development strategies, including policies and laws relating to tenancies and flexible tenancies [ 50 ] . As a result, local authorities are required to produce a ‘Tenancy Strategy’ that sits with their localised Housing Strategy, Homelessness Strategy and Allocations Policy [ 51 ] . The act requires this Tenancy Strategy cover the type of tenancies available locally, the type in local area (fixed, short-term, long-term) and circumstances where the landlord will grant and end each form of tenancy. These changes allow for local councils to manage and develop housing strategies that suit their community to solve housing inequality [ 52 ] .

In 2020, in another attempt to address homelessness, the UK government published The Charter for Social Housing Residents – Social Housing White Paper [ 53 ] . This built on a 2018 Green Paper which proposed a ‘new deal’ for social housing, which aimed to address unbalanced relationships between residents and landlords and ensuring that social housing can be a stable base and support social mobility [ 54 ] . The paper sets out the steps the government will take to ensure the Charters is implemented [ 55 ] .

Housing inequalities were brought further into focus during the Covid-19 pandemic. 18% of homes in England are in ‘non-decent’ condition, and are typically occupied by older people, those with existing health conditions, those with lower incomes and from ethnic minorities [ 56 ] . Nearly a third of adults reported to have mental or physical health problems during lockdown because of their home; and emerging evidence shows overcrowded households had increased risk of transmission and worst outcomes of Covid-19 [ 57 ] . Further challenges arose around the health of homelessness, as well as financial uncertainty, leaving people unable to pay mortgages or afford rent. The government introduced the ‘Everybody in’ Scheme which provided funding to help those who sleep on the streets self-isolate. It also provided an Eviction Ban from March 2020 to May 2021, and an Extended Notice Period between June 2021 and October 2021. However, as these temporary measures come to an end, evictions and homelessness were set to surge as rates of arrears across all tenures were at least twice the levels observed going into Covid-19 by January 2021 [ 58 ] .

Local trends and policies

Historically, Corby is a ‘New Town’, and much of the house stock was built in the last 80 years. As a result, the town housing structure is a mix of low-rise estates, with terraced or semidetached houses, and purpose-built flats, including high-rise blocks. With roots in working class manufacturing and steel works, many properties in Corby tend to be small and overcrowded [ 59 ] . In 2018, Corby Borough Council owned 4,71 residential dwellings for rent [ 60 ] . There were also nine social Housing Association landlords with 1,141 houses for rent, and 11 homes that come under the banner of ‘Affordable Ownership’, leaving a total of 20,877 privately owned [ 61 ] .

Via the Localism Act, the council created several strategies to manage its housing stock. One of these was Corby Borough Council’s Housing Development Strategy (2018), aimed to establish criteria for the local council to consider when developing new homes to add to its housing stock [ 62 ] . It sought to ensure the number of affordable homes met housing need and also improve the quality and energy efficiency [ 63 ] . This approach by Corby Borough Council contrasts the trend across England- the proportion of dwellings in England owned by local authority reduced by 1.6% between 2009 and 2020 [ 64 ] .

Recently, policies affecting housing in Corby have focused on the development of new housing estates to accommodate the growing population. The growth can be attributed to the low housing prices in the town, and the new train link that reaches London in approximately one hour, making Corby an affordable commuter town. Nonetheless, some believe they are being pushed out of their town by London commuters, and that more affordable housing is needed to ensure stable housing. In addition to affordability, the property types within the housing stock do not suit the needs of the town’s population.

Housing need is considered as part of the North Northamptonshire Joint Strategy, including a target to build 9,000 new dwellings in Corby between 2011-2031 [ 65 ] . The planning strategy recognises that new housing developments should reflect the needs of the local community [ 66 ] .

Corby Borough Council’s Housing and Homelessness Strategy (2014-2019) aimed to reduce the town’s population of homeless and at risk of homelessness [ 67 ] . It explores the housing background of households at risk of homelessness, using this to understand how to prevent homelessness where possible through pro-active work and partnership, working with landlords and organisations which can provide support on debt, health and other personal issues [ 68 ] . It also sets out decisions required to make use of limited resources, for example giving reasonable preference for housing to those in the greatest housing need and those with a local connection to Corby [ 69 ] .

The young population of the town also face challenges accessing housing. One interviewee pointed to discrimination, saying “landlords aren’t keen on taking young people” because welfare payments are higher for those ages over 25 (Youth Charity, Northamptonshire). This issue is aggravated by increased housing prices and a decrease in wages for young people. Nonetheless, there is an absence for policies targeted at addressing housing inequalities among young people in Corby.

Health

National Trends and Policies

The National Health Service (NHS), founded in 1948, provides universal healthcare coverage which is free at the point of delivery. The UK healthcare system was ranked 18 th  in the world by the World Health Organisation in 2021 [ 70 ] . Austerity measures from 2008 onwards saw a slowing of the growth in NHS funding, putting pressure on services facing increased demand [ 71 ] . Yet despite universal healthcare, in England, the range in life expectancy at birth between the least and most deprived area deciles was 9.3 years for males and 7.5 years for females in 2015 to 2017 [ 72 ] .

In response to the Marmot Review drawing attention to the wider social determinants of health, The Health Lives, Healthy People white paper set out a new approach to public health in England, with three aims: protecting the UK population from serious health threats; helping people live longer, healthier lives; and, improving the health of the poorest, fastest [ 73 ] . Within this approach, several more specific strategies were published, including The Alcohol Strategy [ 74 ]  and The Tobacco Control Plan for England [ 75 ] . In 2011, the government also published a major mental health strategy; No Health Without Mental Health: A Crossgovernment Mental Health Outcomes Strategy for People of All Ages was the first public health strategy giving equal weight to both physical and mental health [ 76 ] . This was followed with Preventing Suicide in England, a cross-government strategy in 2012 [ 77 ] .

The NHS Long Term Plan was published in 2019 [ 78 ] . It aims to: remove divisions between hospital and community care; reduce pressure on emergency services; provide more personalised care that gives people greater control; make greater use of technology; and an increased focus on population health through Integrated Care Systems [ 79 ] .

Despite alcohol consumption and gambling becoming increasingly recognised as a public health problem, there is no national strategy to address the harms which arise from these as of 2021. Currently, these issues are tackled through a combination of improved provisions – for example, opening NHS gambling addition clinics [ 80 ] , and investing in specialist Alcohol Care Teams in areas with high level of need [ 81 ]  – and regulation, such as capping the stake on Fixed Odds Betting Terminals [ 82 ] , and a minimum price per unit on alcohol [ 83 ] .

In the ten years since the first Marmot Review, the ‘social gradient’ has become steeper, and both inequalities in life expectancy and between-place inequalities have increased [ 84 ] . Since 2010, the amount of time people spend in poor health has increased, and there has been no sign of decreasing mortality for people under 50 [ 85 ] . Large funding cuts have affected social determinants of health across England, with austerity undermining the capacity for local governments to invest in prevention [ 86 ] . Frequently the NHS has connected health with other local issues such as tackling air pollution, increasing active travel, and creating physical environments which are more conductive to active and health lifestyles, including addressing ‘food deserts’.

As a result of the pandemic, healthcare services for non-Covid-19 conditions were deprioritised to manage the demand of Covid-19. This resulted in a backlog of unmet care [ 87 ] . People living with long-term conditions, disabled people and those shielding also met reduced access to health services, and social service access declined despite increased need [ 88 ] . In addition, one-fifth of the population experienced sustained increases in poor mental health (by September 2020), with rates of anxiety and depression rising during periods when the tightest social distancing restrictions were in place, and those facing financial hardship faring worse than others [ 89 ] .

In August 2020, Matt Hancock, the Health and Social Care Secretary at the time, announced that the institution responsible for public health during the pandemic, Public Health England, would be disbanded and replaced by the National Institute for Health Protection [ 90 ] . Focusing on capacity and capability to respond to health threats, the restructuring will contribute to “levelling up health to support future resilience” [ 91 ] . Matt Hancock (2020) described how, “it will be a national institute that works very much locally, working with local directors of public health and their teams, who are the unsung heroes of health protection”. This decision was met with critics, who argued that restructuring public health in this way, at the time, was the government making Public Health England a ‘scapegoat’ for its failings in handling the pandemic [ 92 ] .

Local trends and policies

Northamptonshire is a region with significant social inequalities and levels of deprivation; these inequalities influence health and well-being [ 93 ] . Local data for Corby shows specific issues; childhood obesity, child and adult alcohol-related hospitalisations, conceptions in under 18s, and smoking-related deaths [ 94 ] . These issues were worsened through Covid-19, as Corby “consistently had one of the highest Covid-19 case rates in England” [ 95 ] . Other issues in Corby include life expectancy at birth for both males and females, standing at one of the lowest in the county. In 2020, life expectancy figures in Corby stood at an average of 78 years for males and 81 for females. These figures are below the national average, and approximately 10 years below the averages in nearby Northampton, which recorded averages of 83.6 years for males and 90.3 for females [ 96 ] .

The combination of the financial crisis and shrinking job market are also having an impact on mental health. Corby was named the town with the highest-level personal debt in 2017 [ 97 ] . This, alongside high levels of personal borrowing and debt, lead to high levels of poor mental health. Mental health services in the town are considered stretched and insufficient for the high levels of demand. Between 2014 and 2016, Corby had the highest mortality rate from suicide in the country, and the rate remained above national average for the period 2017-19 [ 98 ] . The town also experiences high rates of self-harm admissions in more deprived areas, with the highest rate seen in the 20-24-year-old age group [ 99 ] .

Lacking a community hospital and having an expanding population, there is a concern the healthcare infrastructure in Corby is not keeping up, while the pressure on services is exacerbated by falling health budgets. Northamptonshire, through its ‘In Everyone’s Interest’ Health and Wellbeing Strategy (2013-16), aimed to be recognised as a “national centre of excellence in the quality of its health and social care and commitment to wellbeing for the benefit of all” [ 100 ] . This strategy was reviewed and republished in 2016, outlining priorities in continuing to tackle health inequalities. These priorities focused on youth health inequalities, across physical and mental health, ensuring all children were given the best start to life, allowing all to succeed [ 10 1] .

The Northamptonshire Health and Wellbeing Strategy (2016-2020) recognised that local systems and services must reduce health inequalities by enabling people to help themselves [ 102 ] . This policy has had an impact on mental health and suicide prevention in Corby and wider Northamptonshire, with the multi-agency Suicide Prevention Partnership Forum being set up as a result [ 103 ] . Through encouraging people to seek mental health support and reducing stigma around emotional distress and suicidal thinking, the Form ensures that services are responsive and offer localised, appropriate support. The success of these services highlight how localised, relevant and reactive police making that remains a collaborative effort can bring effective change and support to a local community and help reduce mental health inequality.

Another programme that reflects the outcomes of the Northamptonshire Health and Wellbeing Strategy is NGAGE: The Northamptonshire Young People’s Service. Providing information, education and support to young people in relation to drug and alcohol use, NGAGE is a free and confidential service that is committed to promoting the voice of young people in the design and delivery of the services [ 104 ] . The programme’s success can be measured in the support and trust that young people find in the service, reflecting positive outcomes that can come from localised policies that are grounded in the local context, needs, and aspirations.