Wartime Impacts on Maya Culture Heritage

An analysis of the archaeological roots of Maya culture heritage revitalization surrounding the Caste War.

Timeline

2000BC-1000BC

Formation of first permanent Maya settlements

600AD-900AD

Height of Maya civilization

900AD-1000AD

Collapse of Maya institution of divine rulership

1200AD-1540AD

Rise of Chichén Itzá and Mayapán. Contact with Spanish begins around 1500AD

1517AD

Beginning of major invasions by Spanish

1821AD

Mexican independence from Spain

1840AD

Separation of Yucatán peninsula from México

1847AD

Beginning of Caste War, massacre at Valladolid by Maya

1850AD

First appearance of Talking Cross, all original leaders of Maya revolt assassinated by 1849

1855AD

Partial end of Caste War, scattered fighting continues throughout the century; Talking Cross grows in power and reputation

1884

Treaty signed between Chan Santa Cruz (home of the Cult of the Talking Cross) leader Crescencio Poot and governor of the Yucatán officially ending the Caste War

1901AD

Cruzob (Talking Cross followers) area is turned into the Federal Territory of Quintana Roo, more complete end of conflict and fighting

~1980AD

Beginning of tourism boom in Yucatán peninsula, tourism becomes most important economic industry in México in following decades

2022-2023AD

Completion of research for Independent Study


Introduction

For more information reference Independent Study Chapter 1: Introduction.

Brief introductory video and text on the Caste War.


Background of Yucatec Maya people and their place within the region.

Map of Mayan language dispersion throughout Mesoamerica
Map of the Yucatán peninsula
Tulum ruins by ocean

Brief introduction to Maya cosmology, spirituality, codices, and the significance of animate objects.

various maya logograms with english translations
Maya priest sitting surrounded by glyphs
pages from Dresden codex

Background on the Talking Cross, its significance to the Maya people, and role in the Caste War.

Taking Cross Shrine, Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Quintana Roo, Mexico
Altar at the Talking Cross Church, Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Quintana Roo, Mexico
Altar at Talking Cross church in Señor, Quintana Roo, Mexico


Methodology

For more information on Methodology see Independent Study Chapter 1: Introduction and Chapter 2: Theory.

As stated above, physical evidence of the Caste War is abundant throughout the Yucatán Peninsula. This project's Methodology section outlines my data collection process using archaeological, primary, and secondary textual sources. This data was improved through investigation of the region via two separate trips to continue my research at museums and visit archaeological sites and towns of central importance during the Caste War. Following this framework, I have developed a hybrid Independent Study project to represent my thesis. The two elements of this project include a traditional written section that focuses on a scholarly review and theoretical understanding (Introduction, Theory, complete Analysis and Conclusion), and a public-facing visual StoryMaps element that utilizes the Arcgis mapping and storytelling program for my remaining chapters (Data, Methodology, and a condensed Analysis). I decided to complete my IS in this way because the archaeological history of the Yucatán Peninsula is rooted in change over a significant amount of time. In an effort to represent this change in a way that is accessible to all readers, not just niche sections of the archeological community, StoryMaps bridges the gap between the past in the present through interactive textual elements, maps, and current personal photos of the major topics explored within the project. 

methods table


Primary Data 1: Maya Culture Heritage in Quintana Roo, Mexico (Summer 2022)

See Methodology section for more information.



Primary Data 2: Maya Culture Heritage in Yúcatan, Mexico (Winter 2022/2023)

See Methodology section for more information.



Analysis

For more information see the Chapter 4: Analysis

As stated in the Introduction Chapter, the goals of this project is to dispute common misconceptions of colonial domination during the Contact Period of the Maya, shed light on Maya resistance and cultural retention strategies during the Caste War, and explore how the Caste War was successful in strengthening modern day Maya culture heritage in the Yucatán Peninsula. While looking for inspiration for my Independent Study project during my initial trip to the region in the summer of 2022, I found that the Cult of the Talking Cross was undeniably the largest catalyst for culture heritage during the Caste War rather than the battles themselves. 

After making this distinction, the rest of the trip was used to analyze the impacts of the war and the Cult of the Talking Cross through a predominantly Maya lens in Felipe Carrillo Puerto and other towns in Quintana Roo. During this time, I visited local cultural and archeological sites, lived with a Maya family, and studied the Yucatec Mayan language at a local immersion school. During my second trip to the region, my research was based in the historically colonial town of Valladolid, one of two major predominantly Spanish stronghold cities during the Caste War. Immersed in an alternative perspective as a result of being there, I followed the same research objectives and visited sites that were historically relevant there as well. 

Upon analysis of my data, I found that the information confirmed my initial hypothesis in my Introduction that refuted Spanish pacification of the region and confirmed that the Cult of the Talking Cross had a significant impact on modern culture heritage. Furthermore, I propose that the tourism industry has a larger impact on the expression of culture heritage in recent decades rather than religion or any other major factors. While religion is still the catalyst, tourism, and its many contributors, undoubtedly have a larger impact today. With this in mind, I show how culture heritage can be clearly traced down historical boundaries with the colonial western region (Yucatán) producing a simplified version of Maya culture and ignoring evidence the Caste War ever occurred and the Indigenous eastern region (Quintana Roo) incorporating the opposite. The remainder of this section will give an example my significant findings in each area while following an Indigenous archaeological lens as stated in the Theory Chapter. 

A brief note on overlap in data section: I recognize that all history, including Maya culture, does not exist within a vacuum. In the data section above this is exemplified by cenotes and beekeeping farms being show in both Primary Data 1 and 2. With that said, I will touch upon these items briefly below to eliminate any confusion for readers who may be more unfamiliar with these components of the region and how they still fall within the boundaries proposed in my introduction. The overwhelming reasons why the cities of Mérida/Valladolid (Yucatán) and Felipe Carrillo Puerto/Señor (Quintana Roo) still fall within the historically colonial western and Indigenous eastern boundaries is because the cities identified in the west do not provide readily accessible traditional culture, local connection to the area, and have inherent ties to the tourism industry. While all of the areas mentioned below are important, the inability to place Maya culture at the center of the experiences in Valladolid/Mérida is a drawback for visitors looking for a deeper understanding of Maya culture heritage.

Quintana Roo: X-Pichil cenote: X-Pichil is a local cenote and swimming area for residents of the nearby town. Being located down an unmarked path buried within the trees, I was able to visit this location with the help of a local guide. Although the area is sometimes used for pleasure, my time at the cenote was solely educational as I was introduced to the sacred properties and urban legend status that the cenote still held for the people. Honey farm in Señor: The honey and dragon fruit farms that I visited in Señor belonged to one of the local residents. During this experience I was given a brief tour of the family milpa, was able to see the honey extraction process, and got to try a fresh honeycomb. This was one of my most memorable experiences from the summer because my eyes were opened to the struggles that famers face as they relate to the current economy and increased crime from the cities leaking into small towns. This is an important topic for visitors to understand when traveling in México because many of these new problems are caused by increased pressure from the tourism industry.

Valladolid/Mérida (Yucatán): Cenote Zaci: In comparison, Cenote Zaci was tucked away off of a busy street and had a corresponding restaurant next door. My time spent in this area was much more brief as it was one of many stops during a Valladolid city tour. Although my tour guide was very knowledgeable, I had to prompt discussion about the historical nature of the cenote as it related to ancient Maya culture. To my knowledge, the location is still important today but is not valued in the same manner and is tied to an owner who profits from the cenote/restaurant combination. Xkopec: Xkopec is an interesting beekeeping farm located 20 minutes outside of a busy city. Contrasting this with my experience in Señor, the public location was completely devoid of any mention of the daily experiences of farmers. While this location pays homage to Maya culture, it ultimately falls short due to its heavy reliance on tourists, surface-level historical education, emphasis on honey tasting, and inaccessibility to the public (can only be reached by taxi or car).

Symbols of cities: Talking Cross church, Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Quintana Roo (left) San Servacio church Valladolid, Yucatan (right)

Both churches seen above are centrally located downtown and are the pride of their respective cities. While both are equally loved, the church on the left lies off the street buried within a quiet sanctuary, tours are given in Mayan on a walk-in basis, and the humble property is maintained through infrequent donations. The church is not advertised online or within the city and is difficult to locate without local guidance. In the first two photos of the section describing the background of the Talking Cross you can find photos of a monument and an altar that lies within the walls of the church. Standing as references to the past, both items bear strong resemblance to what the church looked like originally. The three crosses that we see outside can be seen again within the church, both painted on the wall and on the altar. The crosses represent the father (Jesus hanging on a traditional cross), mother (a Maya cross dressed in traditional feminine clothing), and the son (a smaller cross also dressed in traditional clothing). While the crosses may seem simple, they ingeniously reflect the dynamic balance of the Maya universe. First, the 3 "Christian" crosses are made anthropomorphic by adding clothing. As explained further in the Introduction Chapter, anthropomorphic objects are central to Maya religion as everything in the universe is living and serves a purpose.  Crosses are not only links to the gods, but living beings themselves that guided the Maya resistance towards victory during the Caste War. Following the theories of Astor-Aguilera in 2010, the Maya quadripartite cross, which stands as a tree and balances the universe between a horizontal and vertical axis, can be juxtaposed with the feminine cross that is built to resemble a living plant as it is created with natural-looking branches that differentiate it from the Christian cross that it sits next to. Furthermore, the quadripartite cross, traditionally decorated in flowers in ancient Maya imagery, is further represented through the arch of flowers that sits at the forefront of the altar. Finally, the binary nature of Maya universe, a balance that upholds good and evil, dark and light, heaven and the underworld, is further expressed through the masculine and feminine of the cross and the seamless fusion between ancient Maya religion and Christianity. Similarly to the altar, Christian crosses are depicted in threes to represent the father, son, and holy spirit and flowers are placed on Jesus's body to represent his wounds. In conclusion, the Talking Cross bridges the aforementioned deep past with the modern day, another binary balance, by creating a following that held on into modern memory through frequent education of an authentic past. 

In contrast, San Servacio is heavily frequented by tourists and is at the forefront of Valladolid brochures. Despite the increased foot traffic, tourists that want to learn about its history are limited to a brief, generic, overview during a larger city tour. While the walls of the church were literally built from the stones of a Maya temple that previously stood across the street, the only signs of the ancient past can be seen in a thin band of stones near the top of the church that depict a serpent motif that represents the powerful Maya snake dynasty. While the church is one of many examples of cultural erasure within the city, the streets of Valladolid are still packed with women in traditional clothing and shops selling handicrafts that heavily reflect a watered down, stereotypical, Maya history (Farah and Seligson 2018). These two conflicting ideals can exist on the same block due to the capitalistic nature of the tourist industry. Much like every other capitalist system, the tourism industry is built upon the principles of supply and demand. As international travelers flock to the area to experience a reality that is different from their own, they are met with a surface level interpretation of Maya culture. Because the tourism industry must still supply something that is loosely familiar to their buyers, authenticity is scrapped for eye-catching stereotypes such as men and women’s shirts decorated with floral patterns, jewelry stores filled with jade, and museums overflowing with cacao.Though these examples clearly present the significance of traction, they fail to properly explain the deep and intricate nature of their history, but are instead turned into a commodity. For example, cacao is not only the main ingredient in a chocolate bar but was a royal beverage and currency in the ancient past. Important relationships were upheld with this one object that has now become just a simple candy. 

Though tourists heavily control the tourism industry, they are not its only influence. Archaeologists within the Yucatán Peninsula have a strong influence over the dialogue that is circulated about the past. In order for archaeologists to fulfill their purpose diligently and respectfully, projects should be conducted in consultation with the local community and research questions should be tailored to fit the needs of the people as much as possible. To stray beyond this is an injustice to the local community and does not fit within an examination of the past and the present.   

Symbols of cities: Talking Cross church, Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Quintana Roo (left) San Servacio church Valladolid, Yucatan (right)