The better has already gone

The world economic crisis of the 1930s and 1935s did not spare Lviv. Massive layoffs of workers from municipal institutions and private enterprises, strikes, and demonstrations left their mark on the city. The memoirs of the unemployed collected by the Institute of Social Economics shed light on the experience of living and sometimes surviving in Lviv. Institutions that provided assistance to the unemployed played an important role in the city, but there were also cases of fraud or speculation on this topic. Although the end of the crisis is symbolically marked by the year 1935, high unemployment rates persisted in interwar Poland until the outbreak of war.

The industrial crisis began in Poland in the autumn of 1929. At that time, the industrial production level figures were formed similarly to those in Germany, Estonia, and Belgium. The rate of production decline was similar to that in the United States, Germany, and Austria. Poland, however, belonged to a group of mid-developed countries with a different economic structure and was agro-industrial in nature. This group also included Hungary, Finland, Estonia, Spain, Romania, and Greece, but none of these countries experienced the kind of decline in production that occurred in Poland. On the eve of the Great Depression, Poland was an important partner in international trade, mainly due to the production of agricultural and food raw materials. The limitation of the production process in these industries led to a decrease in the purchasing power of the general public. As a result, prices fell and trade exchange was restricted (Landau, 1982: 30-36).

In the early 1930s, the number of people looking for work more than doubled. In 1929, 185 thousand new unemployed people were registered in the country; 5 years later, this number increased to 414 thousand. However, this data cannot be considered completely reliable. Those who had never been employed before remained outside the official statistics. The fact that there were much more unemployed people is evidenced, for example, by the lists of people who were under the care of the Fund for Assistance to the Unemployed (Fundusz Pomocy Bezrobotnym, later Fundusz Pracy): in 1932, their number was 800 thousand (Glensk, 2014: 412). At the time, even the official statistics on the unemployed did not look complete, given the results of the 1931 census, according to which more than 32 million people lived in the Second Polish Republic.

The problem of unemployment was quite visible in all major cities of the Second Polish Republic. It is difficult to estimate how many Lviv residents were unemployed during the Great Depression. The first census in Poland, conducted in 1921, showed that 219,388 people lived in the city. Of these, 25,470 people were unemployed, which was 11.6% of the total population at the time (Makarczuk, 1998: 235-242). In the 1930s, the situation on the labour market deteriorated significantly. Referring to the calculations of the Lviv Committee for Assistance to the Unemployed, the Kurier Warszawski newspaper of March 17, 1934, reported that over 50 thousand people deprived of work lived in Lviv at that time, which was then a sixth of the city's population (Історія Львова, 1986: 192). The magistrate kept separate statistics; still, different lists were compiled by trade unions and committees for assistance to the unemployed. The magistrate, presenting statistics on employment in the industrial sector as of January 30, 1932, indicated that 2,869 people were unemployed in this sector alone (among them, 1,864 persons who worked physically and 1,005 those engaged in mental work). According to this establishment's documents, a significant part of the unemployed was related to construction and metallurgy (1297 and 332 people, respectively) (Makarczuk, 1998: 237; ДАЛО 2/26/673). According to the information of the District Bishop's Committee for Assistance to the Unemployed (Okręgowy Biskupi Komitet Pomocy Bezrobotnym), as of January 1, 1932, there were 5323 unemployed persons in the city, including 3529 physical workers and 1794 mental workers (Makarczuk, 1998: 237). Despite the statistics kept by various institutions, the police estimated that in 1936 there could have been as many as 12 thousand unregistered unemployed people in the city (Makarczuk, 1998: 238). The press also drew similar conclusions, observing that weekly reports by the governmental labour mediation agencies were not accurate:

"We used to write about how several tens of thousands of unemployed people were “lost” in an unexplained way — they were not in the books, but despite this, they were in real life. "Miracles" like this are accomplished in a rather simple way: those who have not received or have already lost their right to assistance are not considered unemployed; those who work one or two days a week “do not have the merit” to appear in the register; those who have — of course, according to bureaucratic concepts — some small source of protection from starvation are not recognized by the government lists".

In order to engage people who were left without income, in the spring of 1935, the city authorities decided, among other things, to reconstruct some Lviv streets: Stryjska, Tomickiego, and Janowska streets, as well as to build a wall on Lubeckiego Street at Filipówka (Gazeta Lwowska, 1935, no. 126: 2).

The constitution adopted in March 1921 guaranteed citizens of the Second Polish Republic the right to the protection of their labour by the state; however, according to the resolution of August 16, 1923, competencies in this area were divided between the state and local governments. In Galicia, there was another legal instrument that justified the poor people’s ability to seek help from local authorities. This was the so-called "citizen's right" (Heimatrecht), i.e. the hereditary privilege of those belonging to a certain community to apply to the latter for support in case of poverty or inability to work (Cichoracki, 2019: 323). From 1919, it was local authorities that organised public works, for example, engaging the unemployed in construction or road repairs. To do so, they received subsidies from the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare (Ministerstwo Pracy i Opieki Społecznej). The funds provided by the state were insufficient, and communities had to pay the shortfall from their own budgets, often taking out loans from the Ministry of Public Works (Ministerstwo Robót Publicznych). During the Great Depression, the financial situation of local governments deteriorated significantly due to the huge impoverishment of the population. In this situation, unemployment was seen not only as an important economic problem but also as a political one, as it posed a danger to the stability of the government (Cichoracki, 2019: 324).

The decline in the financial situation of the population had a significant impact on the activities of large enterprises in the city. This effect was noticeable even in Lviv breweries. The impoverishment of the population led to a decrease in beer consumption and a decline in breweries' profits. In order to maintain the previous profitability, the owners decided to cut staff, salaries, and working days. In 1930, the management of the Joint Stock Company of Breweries offered the employees two options: either they would accept a pay cut or 60 people would be discharged. A similar situation recurred a year later: workers had to agree to a pay cut and a shorter working week. Even so, the management continued to fire workers. In 1932, the management again introduced more wage cuts and shorter working days during the week, so that employees worked only 4 days a week (Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 25: 7; nr. 29: 8). There were also disputes among the workers, in particular over wage imbalances. The monthly remuneration of the company director reached 6000 zlotys, while workers engaged in the brewery for 4 days earned only 25 zlotys a week (Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 189: 9; nr. 190: 7). Other large enterprises in the city, such as the "Lesser Poland’s" ("Małopolska") Oil Concern, also began discharging staff and reducing wages.

It happened that workers lost their jobs without being given a specific reason or any notice period. This was the case of Jozef Anielewski, a 32-year-old worker who had been employed at the Julian Moser water utility for several months and was dismissed in June 1932 within one day, without the 14-day notice period (ДАЛО 107/4/14: 1-3).

The mechanization of the production process, which appeared in many professions, including printing, had a significant impact on the unemployment rate as well (Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 53: 6). It was common practice to employ trainees, thus depriving experienced apprentices, who received modest wages, of their jobs (ДАЛО 1/18/1685: 14).

The problem of unemployment arose not only in municipal institutions and private enterprises, but also affected people employed in local government and cultural institutions. In 1930, for example, there were massive dismissals in Lviv city theatres. The box offices of these institutions becoming increasingly empty, the salaries of actors and ballerinas working on stage were reduced significantly (Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr. 141: 3; nr. 175: 9). The city box offices were looking for ways to save money by cutting employee fees.

In the spring of 1930, the Lviv magistrate employees went on strikes. They criticised inefficiency in managerial positions, complained about low salaries and about money wasted on "meaningless and aimless" investments (Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr. 90: 5). The next major strike broke out in early August 1932, affecting all units of Lviv's urban infrastructure: trams, the power plant, water utilities, the gas plant, municipal services, sewage, the theatre, the slaughterhouse, the concrete factory, parks, funeral services, supply departments, the disinfection company, and all municipal workers (Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 176: 5-6). In 1932 and 1933, tram drivers regularly protested against wage cuts (Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 168: 7).

Those residents of the city who were non-Polish by nationality were in a much worse situation. In 1930, as a result of the territorial expansion of Lviv, the city was already home to over 312 thousand inhabitants. According to the following year's census, 63.5% of the city's residents spoke Polish, 24.1% spoke Yiddish, and 11.3% spoke Ukrainian or Ruthenian (Drugi Powszechny Spis Ludności). Despite their numbers, not all residents of the city had the same opportunities to find work in municipal institutions. In 1930, Dr Adolf Rotfeld noted at a meeting of the City Council that Jewish residents of Lviv paid all taxes to the city but were not employed either by the Magistrate or by city enterprises (Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, no. 151: 3). The memoirs of Maria Duża, who was born on the outskirts of Lviv, show that people who were not Roman Catholic were not welcome to work in Lviv city institutions (Maria Duża, wywiady).

The situation was similar in private Polish enterprises, where workers of Ukrainian nationality were not given jobs. And in a situation where workers were fired en masse, Ukrainians were the first to be dismissed. For example, in January 1933, the management of the Lviv Brewery fired 28 people, 20 of whom were Ukrainians, 7 Poles, and one Jew (Пасіцька, 2014: 201-202).

In 1935, dismissals of employees in many Lviv enterprises were less frequent, but this did not mean that they did not occur at all, nor that the crisis was overcome. In March 1935, 38 people lost their jobs due to the closure of the Lesser Poland’s Lamp Factory in Lviv (Małopolska Fabryka Żarówek we Lwowie), and further dismissals were planned for the following months (ДАЛО 47/1/543: 17). Nevertheless, over time, the regional labour inspector in Lviv (Obwodowy Inspektor Pracy we Lwowie) reported fewer dismissals of workers employed in factories or smaller production and craft enterprises, such as bakeries (ДАЛО 47/1/543: 2, 11). Letters sent from this office also indicated less frequent dismissals or no changes in employment statistics (ДАЛО 47/1/543: 5, 9, 16). There were signs of a slow recovery from the great crisis. In early 1935, the Oikos factory in the village of Riasna Polska, located in the city vicinity, employed 142 workers, 66 of them females and 76 males (ДАЛО 47/1/543: 13). In late March, the company employed 24 more people (ДАЛО 47/1/543: 15).

During the economic crisis, the Labour Court in Lviv (Sąd Pracy we Lwowie) received many cases concerning the payment of wages in arrears. The problem was noticeable in various industrial and craft enterprises in Lviv. One of the cases was a dispute in 1932 between Wojciech Antoni, a stoker in the Bielowsko brickyard, and Meilach Baum, the owner of the company. The entrepreneur owed payment in the amount of 587.09 zlotys. Antoni worked for Baum in 1930, but for the work done he received only 200 zlotys in advance, paid in two instalments in the first half of 1931. Despite numerous reminders and written notices, the entrepreneur evaded paying his debt (ДАЛО 107/4/15: 2-2zv).

In the crisis times, demonstrations of the unemployed became a frequent phenomenon not only in Lviv, but also in other major cities of the Second Polish Republic (such as Katowice and Poznań). The main gathering places for unemployed people were magistrates, starosta’s offices, community administrations, and employment offices. It was there that those waiting for weekly benefits gathered. Periodic reports from voivodes show that 190 assemblies of the unemployed took place across the country between 1930 and 1935 (Cichoracki, 2019: 128). Protests and demonstrations were organized all over Poland, but they differed in frequency in different regions, with the largest number of them taking place in the Silesian Voivodeship. In the voivodeships of eastern Poland — those of Stanisławów, Tarnopol, Wołyń, Polesie, Nowogródek and Wilno — there were relatively few of them. Assemblies were much more frequent in the western voivodeships and a little less frequent in the central voivodeships, as well as in Krakow and Lviv (Cichoracki, 2019: 330).

For example, on 27 June 1930, a delegation of representatives of 26 trade unions came to the Lviv voivode. The manifesto they presented highlighted data on the unemployment in Lviv. The authors of the manifesto asked for help in providing food for the unemployed; they also requested funds for the development of construction, which could contribute to the revival of the employment sector (Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr. 145: 4).

However, appeals to the voivode and the city authorities did not bring the expected results, and this could have influenced further actions of the unemployed in the city. A large demonstration took place on 4 April 1932. On that day, around 12 p.m., a large group of unemployed people gathered near the Employment Mediation Office (Urząd Pośrednictwa Pracy) building on Rutowskiego Street (now Teatralna Street) in Lviv, demanding work. They then marched to the Rynok Square, where they elected a delegation to represent the group's interests with the city president, Wacław Drojanowski, to force him to organize public and construction works. The crowd then rushed to the tables with bread and rolls, grabbing the goods from the vendors. Only police units that arrived at the Rynok square were able to disperse the demonstrators. Some of them were arrested (Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 77: 7).

Food thefts, combined with clashes with stall and shop owners, were frequent. In early June 1932, a crowd gathered at the intersection of Skarbkowska and Grodzickich streets (now Lesi Ukrainky and Drukarska streets, respectively) and attacked a passing bread cart (Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, no. 129: 7). On another occasion, on 13 March 1933, a large group of unemployed people gathered in front of Nowak's butcher shop on Piekarska Street. After the unemployed entered the shop, they clashed with the owners and started to empty the sausage counters (Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, no. 60: 7).

The most tragic demonstration in Lviv took place on 14 April 1936. About 500 unemployed people gathered in front of the Employment Mediation Office (Urząd Pośrednictwa Pracy) building, demanding to find a job for them. When they were refused, they went to the city center, where they clashed with the police. In one of the clashes on ul. Akademicka (now prosp. Shevchenka), two unemployed people, Mykola Sereda and Władysław Kozak (Kis, 2010), were seriously injured and died afterwards. The deaths of Kozak and Sereda caused great indignation among the unemployed, workers, and trade unions. In the following days, there were "bloody" riots and demonstrations in the city, according to various sources, 19 to 49 people died. On April 16, 8,000 people took part in the funeral of Władysław Kozak, which turned into a demonstration (80. roznica "Krawego czwartku").

In 1931, the Institute of Social Economy (Instytut Gospodarstwa Społecznego) announced a memoir contest inviting unemployed people from all over the country to send their texts. Out of 774 texts, 57 best ones were selected and later published. When announcing the contest, the Institute hoped to receive only memoirs of workers doing manual labour. What a surprise it was when the commission received many stories from intellectual workers. This group of authors included 16 traders, intermediaries and bankers, 2 former civil servants and 2 military officers, 60 office workers, 10 technicians and 12 teachers (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: XVII-XXI). For the organizers of the competition, the cognitive and research idea of this event was important. The "diaries" were supposed to be a testimony left for future generations, telling about the problems of specific people at a specific time. The organizers asked participants to indicate their age and the number and age of their family members. They asked participants to tell about their previous jobs, the moment of dismissal, and the process of job cuts. The competition announcement clearly outlined the topics of interest to the Institute. It required detailed information on the living conditions of the unemployed: "Let them tell us how their families eat and how unemployment has affected the health and appearance of their children. Let them tell us what things they have pledged or sold and at what price, what debts they have with traders, landlords, moneylenders, and how much they are currently being lent by shopkeepers" (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: XVII-XXI). Monetary rewards were provided for the best works.

Among the authors of the texts were five memoirists from Lviv who described their experiences and feelings in the early 1930s. The texts offered a horrific portrayal of urban life with a huge level of unemployment. The turning point, noticeable in almost all memoirs, was the moment of losing one's job. Consciously or not, the authors from Lviv divided different stages of their lives into periods when they worked and after they became unemployed. One of the witnesses, signed as "unskilled unemployed from Lviv", emphasised that in the Austro-Hungarian period, work not only allowed him to believe in his own strength and had a positive impact on his self-esteem, but also allowed him to concentrate on other aspects of life, such as culture:

"My salary in Austrian crowns was good, so I started to believe in myself and to learn my own value, since I was needed and paid. Back then, I often borrowed books from the library and read. I know [the works of] Słowacki, Mickiewicz, Franko, and Shevchenko almost by heart".

His next job, at a concrete factory in Lviv, allowed the "unskilled unemployed man from Lviv" to earn good money and influenced his decision to settle down and get married. The turning point was the loss of his job, which negatively affected both his mental condition and his family life, leading to despair, anger and even aggression. An example of an aggressive act is the situation mentioned by the author, who admitted to hitting his wife when she told him she was expecting a child (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 514, 523).

Among other problems faced by the unemployed in Lviv was the fear of eviction (in this context, forced eviction from rented/social or temporary housing). The author, signed as a "Lviv artist," feared for the fate of his family and that he might be thrown out of his apartment any day (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 555). Another author, signed as a "carpenter living in Lviv," wrote about similar fears. Writing his memoirs, the man was glad that it was winter because he could not be evicted from his home at that time until the onset of spring (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 565).

The problem of eviction worried many of Lviv's unemployed. Throwing people deprived of work and livelihoods into the streets often provoked public resistance. In the spring of 1934, the tailor Abraham Nojger, who lived in a house at Nenckiego Street, 11 (now Krekhivska Street), was to be evicted, but a crowd of several hundred people prevented this. The gathered people broke into the apartment of the owner of the house, Mina Franklowa. They spoiled the interior, broke furniture, cut blankets, and then severely beat the owner of the apartment (Biedrzycka, 2012: 709). A similar situation occurred on 2 May 1934 in connection with the eviction of the Karniolow family, who lived at Bernsteina Street, 16 (now Sholom Aleikhema Street). A crowd gathered in the street near the house to remove the wheels from the forwarding agents’ vehicles. On the same day, evictions were planned for tenants living at Pod Dębem Street, 18 (now Pid Dubom Street) and Lokietka Street (no longer exists), 12. In these cases, the owners cancelled evictions themselves, fearing similar riots. As a result, in October 1934, 14 Jews were tried for creating a communist gang that was supposed to prevent the eviction of the unemployed (Biedrzycka, 2012: 709).

Other memoirs of Lviv's unemployed focused on the difficulties of earning money, which in turn contributed to the deterioration of both their financial situation and family relationships. Lack of money made it difficult to raise healthy children and provide them with a decent future. "A carpenter from Lviv" wrote that his children suffered from hunger:

"They don't understand what is happening to them, they are tearful, fidgety, and finally they start asking for bread or coffee, and then, gritting your teeth, you have to promise them, promise them a lot and try to make them go to sleep".

The carpenter had three sons, the eldest of whom was very bright and received high marks at school. The man was afraid that his children might die of malnutrition. Fearing his sons' starvation, he admitted that he did not even have money for a funeral. He recalled that one of his children had died before, and he did not have the means to organize a decent farewell:

"I've already had a situation like this. Last year, in the spring, my wife fell ill with typhus, and I was left with three children. The youngest baby also fell ill, and I had to bring him to the hospital. A week later, I received a message about the child's death. When I went there, I was sent to another wing. There, a duty nurse asked me when I planned to bury my child. I briefly told her about my situation. «All right, we'll bury him ourselves,» she said and closed the window. I left. I will never know how and where the baby was buried, but I am tormented by the memory that the building was marked «Anatomy»".

In the stories of the unemployed from Lviv, the topic of suicide planning often appeared. Most of the authors suffered from low self-esteem. A 31-year-old carpenter wrote that he did not want to look at his reflection at the barber's (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 559). Others blamed themselves for the poor situation of their families (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 561). In addition, some of them felt that they did not fully control the situation. The carpenter claimed that his situation was caused by external conditions, which he referred to as the unfavourable economic situation in the country and in the city:

"Until now, the world has been like this. People were striving for positions and prosperity, and those who lived in poverty were mostly to blame themselves. Unfortunately, a different time has come, and unemployment is a sign of it. It did not hit immediately, because its enormous power would have swept everyone away at once, but gradually over the course of eight years it became worse every year on a regular basis".

Help in finding a job was offered by intermediary agencies. In Lviv, an intermediary office of this kind was located at Świętokrzyska Street, 28 (now Bortnianskoho Street). Both people engaged in intellectual activity, skilled craftsmen, and ordinary workers used to come there. A special department for the employment of domestic workers was located at 29 Listopada Street, 12 (at the intersection of what is now Konovaltsia and Rusovykh streets) (Gazeta Lwowska, 1934, no. 214: 3). The heads of these institutions put pressure on entrepreneurs to announce vacancies and accept registered unemployed people. This caused a new situation: people who took advantage of the unfortunate situation of the unemployed were engaged in employment mediation, taking bribes of several to a few tens of zlotys in exchange for help in finding a job (Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, no. 214: 7). Of course, such activities were illegal and did not comply with Article 13 of the law on wage intermediation in the search for employment, which stipulated that "a wage intermediary cannot take a deposit from a job seeker" (Ustawa, Dz. U. 1921.88.647). Not everyone who tried to find a job understood this, and as a result, they became victims of fraud.

In late September 1932, 33-year-old Anna Szczepańska and Anna Siemienowicz were arrested in Lviv. The women were engaged in extorting money from unemployed seamstresses, promising to help them get a job in a military sewing shop (Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 222: 7). In the spring of 1933, the Lviv press reported about Marian Handlerz, who lived at Torosiewicza Street, 15 (now Kotsylovskoho Street). The man was involved in the circles of the unemployed and the poor, collecting contributions of 20 zlotys from them and offering to help them find work. Handlerz had a previous criminal record. He ran an intermediary bureau that employed watchmen and rented apartments located at Lelewela Street, 15 (now Popovycha Street). In April 1933, the bureau was closed, while Handlerz and his accomplice were imprisoned (Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 79: 7).

Due to the large problem of unemployment in the interwar period, a variety of ideas appeared to help people who were left without a stable income. The state responded to these needs by introducing appropriate legislative provisions.

In the early 1930s, the duration of state unemployment benefits was 13 weeks. After that, the unemployed who benefited from financial assistance from the State Unemployment Fund (Państwowy Fundusz Bezrobocia, PFB) had to wait until they received the right to the benefits again, that is, have worked for 20 weeks (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 528). According to the amendments to the law on social security in case of unemployment of 18 July 1924, contributions to the unemployment fund were mandatory for entrepreneurs who employed more than 5 workers. The contributions were 2% of the salary, of which 75% were paid by entrepreneurs and 25% by employees (Fundusz Bezrobocia, Sztetl). In addition, according to a decree of the Minister of Social Security of 23 December 1933, seasonal unemployed workers who paid a 4% contribution (of which 2% was paid by the employer and 2% by the employee) could receive benefits if they worked at least 104 days in a 26-week period (Dziennik Ludowy, 1934, no. 3: 1).

In Lviv, the Ukrainian Committee for Assistance to the Unemployed and Poor also operated under the patronage of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky. The committee's office was located at Kilińskiego Street, 3 (now Pamva Beryndy Street). Branches of the committee functioned in Przemysl and Stanisławów (Діло, 1932, ч. 29: 4).  The Union of Ukrainian Women in Lviv was also concerned about the fate of the unemployed. The society had a Committee for Assistance to the Unemployed and the Poor (Комітет допомоги безробітним і незаможним), which from February to May 1932 organized a tea house at Ruska Street, 10 and provided breakfasts and lunches for those in need for a small fee. In the late 1930s, namely in 1937-1938, the Society of Ukrainian Workers "Syla" ("Сила", eng. "Strength") conducted an auxiliary action among Ukrainian workers. In 1937-1938, the Society had a Committee for Assistance to the Unemployed (Пасіцька, 2014: 237).

Material assistance was provided by the Magistrate. An «unskilled unemployed person from Lviv» recalled that in late November 1931 he received 15 food coupons worth 2 zlotys each from the authorities, as well as 100 kg of coal and 100 kg of potatoes (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 526). Another of the memoir authors, a printer, complained about the quality of the assistance provided. He recalled that he had had to go to the other side of the city to get half-frozen potatoes. After the potatoes were sorted, it turned out that there were many rotten or spoiled potatoes that were not suitable for consumption. The modest food coupons were not enough to buy even the most basic goods. The man had to consult with his wife about what to spend a 2-zloty coupon on, as there were so many needs, and this amount allowed him to buy only the most basic goods. The printer believed that the society of his time lived in conditions of extreme humiliation, and no one even took offence at the format of the assistance provided or at the fact that one had to wait a long time in queues at district commissioner’s offices to receive these modest funds (Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, 1933: 529-530).

Some aid was also organized by religious institutions. Christian communities created public committees that worked at parishes. They included, for example, the Diocesan Bishop's Committee (Diecezjalny Komitet Biskupi) (Makarczuk, 1998: 239).

In the autumn of 1931, a similar public committee was established by the Jewish community. Despite all the efforts of these organisations, their work was insufficient and could not meet the needs of all the unemployed. Within a short time after their formation, about 3,000 Jewish families applied for support. The funds collected were sufficient for only 400 of them (Makarczuk, 1998: 239). The Jewish population also benefited from support provided by municipal and regional authorities. On 20 April 1935, at the initiative of the voivode Władysław Belina-Prażmowski, unemployed people could receive Easter packages at district commissioner's offices. In total, 700 boxes were prepared, containing 5 kg of flour, 2 kg of lard, 1 kg of sausage, sugar, coffee, soap, and 100 grams of tea. Kosher lard and sausage were prepared for the Jews (Biedrzycka, 2012: 744). Similar assistance was organized by Ukrainian cooperatives, such as the regional dairy cooperative Maslosoiuz ("Маслосоюз"), which, on the occasion of its 25th anniversary in 1932, donated 1000 litres of milk and 200 kg of butter to the unemployed (Biedrzycka, 2012: 645).

Important initiatives in providing assistance came from the Lviv Voivodeship Office (Lwowski Urząd Wojewódzki), which allocated certain amounts for the engagement of the unemployed, for example, in earthworks (Biedrzycka, 2012: 602). In October 1931, the Municipal Public Committee for Unemployment (Miejski Komitet Obywatelski dla Spraw Bezrobocia) was established to provide assistance to the needy ad hoc. In December of the same year, the Public Committee for Unemployment (Komitet Obywatelski do Spraw Bezrobocia) approved voluntary collections in cafes and restaurants in the amount of 5 groszy on coffee or tea bills and 10 groszy on food and snack bills (Biedrzycka, 2012: 601). The committee distributed food coupons, lunches, food and coal (Biedrzycka, 2012: 736, 645, 650).

In 1934, the city decided to solve the housing problems of the unemployed who were left homeless. On 17 April 1934, a conference was held with the participation of professors from the  Jan Kazimierz University , the President of Lviv Stanisław Ostrowski, professor Fr. Stepan Szydelski, and the deputy Emil Sommerstein, dedicated to specific assistance for the homeless unemployed. It was decided to purchase deteriorated railway cars at a price of 200 zlotys per piece. These cars were to be used as temporary shelters for those who found themselves on the streets. Over the next two weeks, with the mediation of Emil Sommerstein, the Ministry of Transport (Ministerstwo Komunikacji) ordered the Lviv Railway administration (Dyrekcja Okręgowa Kolei Państwowych Lwów) to transfer 8 passenger and 4 freight cars to the unemployed. All of them were placed on the Janowski Hills, near the  Jewish cemetery  (Biedrzycka, 2012: 706).

Unemployment during the Great Depression was not only a huge social but also a political problem, affecting primarily the municipal authorities that constantly had to deal with demonstrations of the unemployed or workers' strikes.  Some incidents (such as the murder of Władysław Kozak) were widely publicised throughout Poland.

It is worth noting that the great economic crisis affected not only unemployed and dismissed workers, but also the owners of well-known Lviv companies. This phenomenon was noticeable, for example, in the trade sector. Many owners of large commercial enterprises went bankrupt, while the number of small shopkeepers increased. In 1929-1930, there were over 8,000 trading enterprises of various categories in Lviv, but by 1932 their number had dropped to 7,213. In 1934, there was an increase in the number of trading enterprises, but by the end of the 1930s there were 7049 such enterprises in the city, i.e. significantly less than before the crisis (Bezsmertnyi, 2015: 3-19). Similar trends were observed during the 1930s in other sectors of the economy as well.

In 1932, the economic crisis in Poland reached its highest point, and in 1933, the Second Polish Republic entered a period of post-crisis depression. In 1934-1935, the level of production grew slowly, but despite this, it did not reach the pre-crisis level. After the Great Depression, the economy never returned to pre-1929 levels. As of 1935, industrial production in Poland was only 76% of its 1926 level. Only the Netherlands had worse industrial production rates at that time (Landau, 1982: 34-36).

1. Державний Архів Львівської Області (далі — ДАЛО) 2/26/673.
2. ДАЛО 1/18/1685: 14.
3. ДАЛО 107/4/14: 1-3.
4. ДАЛО 107/4/15: 2-2зв.
5. ДАЛО 47/1/543: 2, 5, 9, 11, 13, 15-17.
6. "Akcja zredukowanych aktorów lwowskich", Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr. 175.
7. "Antyspołeczna gospodarka w browarach lwowskich", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 190.
8. "Bezrobocie nieujawnione liczbowo", Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 31.
9. "Bezrobocie w zawodzie drukarskim", Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 53.
10. "Bezrobotni w sklepie masarskim", Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 60.
11. "Delegacja przedstawicieli dwudziestu sześciu związków zawodowych pod przewodnictwem tow. Posła Hausnera u Pana Wojewody Gołuchowskiego. Praca we Lwowie zamarła, sześć tysięcy siedemset dwudziestu pięciu bezrobotnych", Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr. 145.
12. Drugi Powszechny Spis Ludności z dn. 9 XII 1931 r. Mieszkania i gospodarstwa domowe. Ludność. Stosunki zawodowe. Miasto Lwów (Warszawa 1937).  https://mbc.cyfrowemazowsze.pl/dlibra/publication/16927/edition/14189/content?format_id=2  
13. Maria Duża, Wywiady, Lwów przedwojenny.  http://lwowprzedwojenny.eu/maria-duza.html .
14. Gazeta Lwowska, 1935, nr. 126.
15. "Jeszcze o stosunkach w Lwow. Tow. Akc. Brow", Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 29.
16. Ludwik Krzywicki, "Wstęp", Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, Warszawa 1933, s. XVII-XXI.
17. "Nowe redukcje w browarach lwowskich", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 189.
18. "O pracę dla bezrobotnych", Gazeta Lwowska, 1934, nr. 214.
19. "Odezwa Instytutu Gospodarstwa Społecznego w sprawie konkursu na pamiętnik bezrobotnego ogłoszona w grudniu 1931 roku", Pamiętniki bezrobotnych, Warszawa 1933.
20. "Oszukiwanie bezrobotnych", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 222.
21. "P. prezydent Drojanowski grozi! Fiasko konferencji prezydium miasta z przedstawicielami tramwajarzy", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 168.
22. "Pracownicy gminni rozpoczęli walkę o swoje słuszne prawa", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 176.
23. "Rozruchy głodowe bezrobotnych we Lwowie", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 77.
24. "Rozruchy głodowe we Lwowie", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 129.
25. "Rugi w teatrach lwowskich. Zredukowani apelują do opinii publicznej", Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr. 141.
26. "Szakal", "Dziennik Ludowy", nr 79 (1933), s. 7.
27. "Tow. poseł Diamand o gospodarce komunalnej. Posiedzenie Rady Miejskiej — Przemówienie tow. Temnyckiego", Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr 151.
28. "Wzburzenie wśród pracowników gminnych. Rezultaty fatalnej gospodarki komisarycznej", Dziennik Ludowy, 1930, nr. 90.
29. "Z życia robotniczego. Nieobywatelskie postępowanie lwowskiego towarzystwa akcyjnego browaru!", Dziennik Ludowy, 1933, nr. 25.
30. "Ukrócić samowolę pokątnych pośredników", Dziennik Ludowy, 1932, nr. 214.
31. Ustawa z 21 października 1921 r. o zarobkowym pośrednictwie pracy, Dz. U. 1921.88.647.
32. "Zasiłki dla bezrobotnych", Dziennik Ludowy, 1934, nr 3.
33. "Допомога безробітним і вбогим", Діло, 1932, ч. 29.
34. Історія Львова в документах і матеріалах (Київ 1986).
35. "80. rocznica "Krwawego czwartku" we Lwowie", Historia mniej znana i zapomniana. URL:  https://historiamniejznanaizapomniana.wordpress.com/2016/04/14/80-rocznica-krwawego-czwartku-we-lwowie/ 
36. Andriy Bezsmertnyi, "Handel lwowski w okresie międzywojennym", Dzieje Najnowsze, R. 47 (2015), s. 3-19.
37. Agnieszka Biedrzycka, Kalendarium Lwowa 1918-1939 (Kraków 2012).
38. Piotr Cichoracki, Joanna Dufrat, Janusz Mierzwa, Oblicza buntu społecznego w II Rzeczypospolitej doby wielkiego kryzysu (1930-1935). Uwarunkowania, skala, konsekwencje (Kraków 2019).
39. Urszula Glensk, Historia słabych. Reportaż i życie w dwudziestoleciu (1918-1939) (Kraków 2014).
40. "Fundusz Bezrobocia", Sztetl. URL: https://sztetl.org.pl/pl/slownik/fundusz-bezrobocia Access: 19.01.2024.
41. Zbigniew Landau, Jerzy Tomaszewski, Gospodarka Polski międzywojennej 1918-1939, T.3: Wielki kryzys 1930-1935 (Warszawa 1967).
42. Stepan Makarczuk, "Ludzie z nizin społecznych Lwowa w okresie międzywojennym", Lwów: Miasto-społeczeństwo-kultura. T. II: Studia z dziejów Lwowa pod red. H. W. Żalińskiego i K. Karolczaka (Kraków 1998).
43. Назар Кісь,  "Похорон Владислава Козака, вбитого поліцією під час робітничої демонстрації у квітні 1936 року" , Інтерактивний Львів, Центр міської історії (2010).
44. Оксана Пасіцька, Львів і Львів'яни. Український соціум та промисел (20-30-ті роки ХХ століття) (Львів: Інститут українознавства ім. І. Крип'якевича НАН України, 2014).