Flushing: Transit Connectivity, Immigration, and Development

Throughout its history, Flushing has always been a desirable place for development. As a former Flushing resident who just moved back there recently, I might even be an outsider myself. The Flushing I know from a decade ago is no longer what it is now. Everything changes at a rapid pace. New businesses open every week, replacing some of my beloved [and cheap] restaurants and stores I frequented with friends and family. New, shiny luxury condos and hotels sprout from seemingly nowhere each month [more displacement and gentrification later]. The population is a diverse mixture of Chinese, Korean, and a smaller number of Indian, Pakistani, and other South Asians, with an even smaller white, black, and hispanic population. The Chinese tend to reside near Downtown Flushing, the Koreans to the immediate east of downtown, and the South Asian population tend to live south of downtown. Many people walking on Main Street besides me every morning to catch the 7 train into Manhattan do not speak a word of English. To a real outsider, Flushing might as well as be China if you took out the NYCT buses roaming the streets and the few American chain businesses still holding on from a bygone era. On the surface, Flushing seems to be a vibrant neighborhood full of delicious eats and exotic produce. Its mainly transient population co-exist along second and third-generation Asian American families, creating a unique self-sufficient economy and culture. However, a lot of socio-economic and political issues plague the community—and Flushing's high senior, non-citizen, non-English speaking, and low-income population are especially vulnerable. This storymap focuses on Flushing's beginnings as a sleepy town transformed by the new subway into a population center. Then it will movie on to the influx of Asian immigration starting in the 1970s-1980s, and lastly it will examine today's hot issue: displacement and gentrification.

Flushing was a sleepy village before the 7 train [known as IRT Flushing Line back then] was extended to its current terminal at Main Street in 1928. The above map from 1873 shows a lot of empty lots in the current Downtown Flushing area. The IRT Flushing Line differs from most of the city's subway lines as it was built to facilitate development, rather than as a response to existing population centers. The Queensboro bridge connected an agrarian Queens with the bright lights and big skyscrapers of the city. The IRT Flushing Line complemented the bridge, and brought opportunities to develop population centers along its route. Astoria, Long Island City, Woodside, Jackson Heights, Elmhurst, Corona, Willets Point, and Flushing all spurred out of the elevated corridor - perhaps early examples of Transit-Oriented Development? As a result of the Queensboro Bridge being built, the subway connecting Flushing and northern Queens to Manhattan, and with the opening of Kissena Park and Flushing Meadows Corona Park, Queens [especially Flushing] became the place for the middle class to settle down—offering much needed respite from Manhattan's crowded tenements. The population of Queens skyrocketed from 469,000 to 1,080,000 during the 1920s alone. Farms began to be replaced by low density, single-family housing at first, eventually giving way to denser apartment blocks starting in the 1940s.

It is true that Flushing was connected by railway infrastructure before the subway—the Flushing North Side Rail Road was established in 1868. It was eventually acquired by the Long Island Rail Road (LIRR) soon after in 1876.

The 7 line, then owned by the IRT (Interborough Rapid Transit), slowly expanded into Queens. In 1915, the first trains shuttled from Grand Central to Vernon Blvd-Jackson Avenue in Long Island City via the Steinway Tunnel. A year later, it was extended further to the east to Queensboro Plaza. In 1925, service was expanded to 111th Street in Corona. Finally, the 7 line reached Willets Point in 1927 and Flushing in 1928. Interestingly enough, Main Street was not the intended terminal, as the IRT had plans to expand subway service further east. As seen in the 1917 map below, the IRT planned to extend the elevated Flushing line into Willets Point only, and then utilize existing LIRR tracks to introduce subway service to two branches: one north to College Point and Whitestone, and one east to Little Neck. This plan never came into fruition. Finally, in 2015, the 7 train was extended from Times Square to Hudson Yards to facilitate the opening of NYC's newest mega-development.

Flushing's population was mostly white until the 1970s. The first Asian immigrants were well-educated middle class from South Korea and Taiwan. They were attracted to Flushing as there existed a minuscule Asian community who moved there after working at the nearby 1965 World's Fair, as well as the obvious advantage of its connection to many bus lines and the subway. They saw Flushing as a land of opportunity and started to invest in its economy. Meanwhile, Flushing was experiencing a period of economic turndown. From the closing of various industries, boutique and other high-priced shops, white flight occurred. Simultaneously, Asians began to take over the shuttered storefronts left from long-time white owners who either passed away or chose to move. This economic phenomenon rescued Flushing from falling into deeper blight. 41st Avenue and Main Street became Asian first, as shown in the photo below. The remaining White and Jewish middle class population that remained through the 1980s began to leave for neighborhoods to the north and east, such as Bayside, Little Neck, Whitestone, Douglaston, as well as Nassau County. They left because real-estate and rent prices rose after the Asian investment in Downtown Flushing, and because they feel the Asians have systematically changed Flushing into an exclusive neighborhood for their own benefit—shutting them out of their old ways of life. Therefore, in a way, Asian investment of the 1970s and 1980s caused gentrification and displacement.

I was extremely lucky to interview an old couple sitting in Bowne Playground, next to P. S. 20 Queens. They came to Flushing from Mainland China in 1968—well before Flushing received significant Asian immigration. Their children and grandchildren [who are almost our age] were also born in Flushing. They told me that they were the only Asians in their block, and back then, Flushing only had three Asian-owned stores, and only one Chinese supermarket. Of course—the subway only cost 10 cents to ride, and a full bag of groceries only cost $5. Here's excerpts from their take on Flushing below.

Starting in the 1990s, mainland Chinese of various social classes [although a majority being of the working class] began to immigrate [my parents immigrated in the 1990s from Guangdong and Liaoning, and met in Flushing]. Now, you can find Chinese from almost any province. Just by walking on Main Street, I hear many dialects being spoken: Fuzhounese, Shanghainese, Beijing mandarin, Northeastern mandarin, and of course, Cantonese. Flushing's wide variety of regional Chinese cuisines also reflect the diversity of Chinese immigrants. Recently, more Northeastern, Korean-Chinese, and Sichuanese restaurants have sprung up to add to the many Cantonese, Fujianese, Shanghainese, and Taiwanese establishments already here. With the influx of mainland Chinese immigrants, Flushing's Korean, Taiwanese, and other East Asian/South Asian populations began to decline. The Koreans began moving east to Murray Hill, East Flushing, and Bayside. The South Asians began moving south to South Flushing and Queensboro Hill. Flushing's smaller hispanic and black population have also decreased. Now, the only majority hispanic and black blocks in downtown Flushing are within the two NYCHA campuses.

Today, Flushing functions as a launchpad for immigrants. Like clockwork, its transient nature welcomes a new batch of residents every month, every year—closely mimicking the patterns of new businesses opening and closing. Once these new immigrants establish their identities and advance in socioeconomic standing, they will leave crowded downtown Flushing in search of bigger, and better homes, just like the white middle class did when the first Asian immigrants arrived, and just like my family, as we moved to Southern Nassau County 15 years after my parents first settled in Flushing.

Today, Flushing is experiencing a second wave of gentrification and displacement. This time, wealthy Asian immigrants and wealthy local Asian residents are displacing poor Asian immigrants. This displacement is accomplished through two means: the conversion of long time rent-stabilized apartment buildings into condos and co-ops, and the construction of new luxury developments attracting both local and foreign investment [mainly from China]. In addition, many wealthy Chinese look to buy property in Flushing only as investment, resulting in many units being vacant, while simultaneously raising property prices.

In 2015, Mayor DeBlasio announced the Flushing West Neighborhood Rezoning Plan, as part of his initiative to create more housing in NYC. A special focus was aimed to augment transit hubs into places of greater opportunity. This particular upzoning would change Manufacturing zones [which prohibits residential uses] along the Flushing creek and west of Prince Street into a mixed-use zone. This plan was criticized for not including enough affordable housing options, as well as the opportunity for developers to use federal grants through brownfield opportunity areas to construct luxury housing. Even with the city's MIH [mandatory inclusionary housing] policies, which covers residents making as little as 40% NYC AMI [area median income], a significant number of residents affected in the Flushing West rezoning make under 40% AMI. This policy would shut them out of the new neighborhood. In 2017, the plan was paused due to opposition from the community as well as from Peter Koo, Flushing's representative in City Council. However, in the future, it may be re-considered.

The Flushing Riverfront Special District, an offshoot from the rezoning, was put back into fruition and in 2020, City Council voted to advance the project. Councilmember Peter Koo, who voted no to the Flushing West rezoning earlier [citing the lack of affordable units], flip-flopped and voted yes this time [this time, he voted yes because of the economic opportunities that the district will bring to Flushing]. The riverfront district proposes a total of 1,725 luxury units, and currently, only 90 are slated to be affordable. Besides the housing issue, environmental issues must be examined as well. Local community organizations, including Guardians of Flushing Bay, MinKwon Center for Community Action, La Jornada Food Pantry, and among others making up FRCA [Flushing Rezoning Community Alliance] are alarmed that the Flushing Creek and its ecosystems on both banks would be destroyed by the new infrastructure and buildings. Both the Flushing West Rezoning and the Flushing Riverfront Special District plans lack a community-backed option. If considered, they would put forward more equitable proposals for Flushing's future.

As for the conversion of rent-stabilized units into market-rate housing, a loophole tactic landlords use is MCI [Major Capital Improvements]. MCIs permits are easily obtainable through the NYC Department of Buildings. Through either withholding necessary repairs unless residents pay for the repairs, or through ordering expensive finishes, furniture, and other unnecessary items, landlords are able to pass the MCI costs to tenants in the form of rent increases. Once rent-stabilized tenants are forced to move out due to their inability to keep up with rent, the landlords can swiftly move to perform the necessary repairs, add expensive finishes and fixtures, then market the newly vacant apartment for wealthier renters.

I was fortunate to re-connect with Bobby Nathan from MinKwon Center for Community Action, after meeting him during our Flushing site visit for our summer GSAPP Urban Design Studio. Bobby talks briefly about his 40 years as a Flushing resident, before moving on to talk about the role developers play in gentrifying the neighborhood.

Many Flushing residents are at significant risk of displacement in the near future. Over 70% of Flushing residents are renters. Nearly 33% reside in rent-stabilized housing. Over 55% pay more than 33% of their monthly income towards rent. And, the average median income for a family of 3 is about $57,000 [about half of the NYC median, $107,800]. To add fuel to the fire, many residents are unable to advocate for themselves and unable to seek help due to their immigration status, language barriers, and more. The working class lack agency and representation, and often have to rely on the middle class, who have more political voice. Flushing's different socio-economic classes rarely interact with each other, because they mostly stay within their own social circles. As more rent-stabilized buildings are bought by developers and converted into market rate rentals, and as more developer-driven developments take over Flushing's urban landscape, where will the priced-out Flushing community go?

This is part of a series of storymaps examining specific issues affecting various neighborhoods along the 7 train corridor. Coming up next, Jisoo Kim examines Hudson Yards: a totally different urban landscape with a different history, demographic, and development pattern located at the other terminal of the 7 train.

Read Jisoo's storymap here:  https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/97162057e0394a24a4648d110e136ba4