Senegal: Leaving to return

Temporary migration and nomadic lifestyles are embedded in Senegalese culture due to the country's geographical location, history, and demography. It is driven by environmental, economic and social dilemmas of Senegalese society. What makes people move further, return, or stay?

This storymap will provide insights into migration drivers and trajectories, based on the interviews conducted in Senegal between 2020 and 2021. The study is funded by the Horizon 2020 project  "Future Migration Scenarios for Europe" . Explore migration stories from Iraq in the storymap below.

A politically young country, Senegal achieved independence in the 1960s after existing for several centuries under the influence and authority of French colonialism. Since the mid-1970s, the country has developed a relatively stable democracy in relation to its African context, but it still suffers from issues of injustice, gender inequality, discrimination, and forsaking human rights.

Senegal is also a rather young country demographically, with the under-24 population making up a majority (60%) of the total population. With high fertility and birth rates, the population has tripled in the past 40 years, and is now approaching 16 million inhabitants. Today, over 2.5 million Senegalese people are scattered across the world. Most people in this diaspora have relocated to other African countries, but 40% reside (usually temporarily) in the European Union.

Migration is embedded into much of Senegalese culture, particularly in certain regions where seasonal work opportunities have created pathways of movement. For example, since the 1960s and 70s, “eternal travellers” such as the Toucouleur (Haalpulaar), the Soninke, and the Manjack people, have lived, to some degree, a nomadic lifestyle.

Effected by drought conditions, these groups transitioned back and forth between their origin points in Senegal’s groundnut basin and temporary factory work based in France. Work abroad has historically enabled migrants to send remittances to their families back home.

Senegalese internal and international migration is a multi-dimensional process fraught with familial responsibilities, hopes and disappointments, long-term development of social capital, and experiences of great risk.

More recently, a diversification of migration has taken place with regards to who moves: not only men but women, all social classes, people from a variety of origin points throughout Senegal, and people who both do and do not have relations abroad. The decision to migrate is often imposed upon individuals who are unable to make a living out of a mono-local life and must seek out multi-local rhythms. 

The coastal, capital city of Dakar features prominently in many Senegalese migration stories—both through voluntarily and involuntarily means. With a population of just over 3 million people, the city has collected internal migrants and acted as a platform for international migration since the 1980s and 1990s.

“Many young people emigrated because they were staying in the regions without doing anything. The situation has driven them to move to other places in order to earn something. Here in Senegal, most of these young people go to Kedougou, Sabadola, and Dakar.” (SenMig10) 

Dakar is also a key point of reference for international migration for those who come briefly to the city on their way to countries abroad. Regardless of internal or international-bound migration, movement to Dakar is often part of a transient and non-linear process with migrants either returning to their village of origin when the agricultural season arrives or pausing in Dakar as a long layover between multiple legs of a more complex migratory journey.  

In the villages of Senegal, migration is often a decision that imposes itself due to several environmental, economic, and social conditions.  

Such concerns have led to a rural exodus when income from farming is too unpredictable to depend upon. Migrants relocate internally to cities such as Dakar during these extended dry seasons where they take up short-term employment to supplement their finances until the agriculture season arrives. The movement patterns required to aid workers’ annual incomes reveals the mono-industrial nature of such villages, which have limited alternative work opportunities for labourers during the dry season. 

These environmental drivers are mainly cited by migrants according to their entanglement with economic conditions. Senegal’s reliance on rainfed agriculture contributes to 12% of the national GDP. This means that the disruption of weather and climate conditions can subvert the lives of many individuals. Though many young people in rural areas may own arable land through family inheritance, agriculture has to be productive in order to be a viable means of economic support. Furthermore, the lack of adequate tools and materials means that the financial threshold for living off agriculture is often not met. 

In addition to basic tools, some migrants experience frustration with the lack of appropriate governance and state support around the agricultural sector. According to some of those interviewed, there is a mismatch of government involvement: The state regulates produce prices, which can hinder farmers from selling their yield at a higher cost, but the state does not offer enough support when it comes to providing adequate tools and materials to produce their crops. Some argue that, with a reorganisation of government support, farmers would not have to migrate away from rural areas to supplement their agricultural labour with temporary, quick-income solutions in the city.  

In seasons of need, the lack of alternative economic opportunities in the rural areas beyond agriculture forces young men to migrate to urban areas to make ends meet. A major motivator for leaving villages and relocating for a season in Dakar is due to lack of jobs and services in their own region that can accompany farming work. 

The lack of job opportunities goes hand-in-hand with the lack of educational avenues for young people in Senegal’s villages. In pursuit of vocational training that is otherwise inaccessible in their regions of origin, many migrants have relocated to nearby towns or major cities like Dakar.

The main form of education in many non-urban areas is Koranic teaching, and while this provides some important instruction, formal business, trade, or language education is generally lacking outside of urban centres. This has been a primary trigger for internal migration away from North and Central Senegal since the 1970s as young people seek training outside of the agriculture sector. 

The lack of education as a main push factor away from villages effects men and women in different ways. Traditionally, women are expected to take on domestic roles, and jobs outside of the home are limited. 

“It is very difficult to learn a trade, especially for girls. There is more or less the profession of dressmaker. There is only one sewing center but, other than that, I don’t see any other jobs that girls can do.” (SenMig08) 

“The poorest in these countries [abroad] have better living conditions than us; for example, housekeepers are paid better abroad than in Senegal because they know the true value of these women and have total respect for them.” (SenMig11) 

A heavy burden weighs upon the shoulders of young men in Senegal whose cultural and social obligations include supporting their families and ageing parents. Such socio-cultural conditions can also act as migration push factors away from village life as young people navigate a tension between seeking individual growth while also remaining tethered to the needs of family back home.  

The propensity for young people to migrate stems from the quest for money, a new way of life, and to broaden their horizons. The pressure to migrate is also placed upon young people who are obligated to sacrifice for the family by pursuing a transient lifestyle. In the Islamic cultures of Senegal, it is common for families to involve polygamous relationships, by which additional pressures are placed on husbands or sons to migrate for the sake of sending financial remittances back to the family. 

In these cases, migration is an inescapable necessity when the shame one bears for being stagnant becomes unbearable. The exercise of migration is intertwined with the notion to become somebody and prove your usefulness to your family and village society. The collective perception is that migration is the best, even obvious, choice for young men to earn more money that can improve the living conditions of one’s family back home. Those who stay are often marked as failures or as lacking ambition for their inability to contribute to society—resulting in a kind of social death for young people in rural areas.  

“People wonder how to build a house, how to get married, how to send the parents [remittances], how to get respect, and all that leads to the other element which is social pressure. We live in an increasingly materialised environment where, when you have money, you are fine. So money becomes a determinant of social pressure. We live in an increasingly materialised environment where, when you have money, you are fine. So money becomes a determinant of social pressure. And so, this social pressure comes into play if you are in a polygamous family and if you have neighbours who are international [having family members abroad providing remittances] and they start to modify the house. If you are not very resilient or resistant on certain issues, you are tempted to emigrate.” (SenExp01) 

Migration patterns in Senegal away from rural areas is highly credited to the existing conditions of the origin place rather than the hopes and expectations of the destination. However, as Dakar has become a popular target location for migrants, there is now a collective perception of the city that has spread through village life. The coastal city is the first place people can go to improve their quality of life before seeking out a visa or other travel documentation to go abroad. It has therefore collected many internal migrants who may seek new opportunities but who do not yet have the networks or capital to attempt international expeditions. 

Many people learn about Dakar through friends and family members who return to the village after living there and share their experiences. Others hear about it through media outlets by which potential migrants are introduced to professions outside of agriculture that pique their interest. More recently, migration perceptions have been based on informal communication via social media platforms where migrants exchange information about their experiences in Dakar (as well as international destinations).

Aside from inciting general curiosity, most information about Dakar has given potential migrants positive perceptions. These ideas mostly come from the material outcomes of the people who have migrated beforehand and return to villages with more money and newer clothes, adding to the preconceptions that life in Dakar delivers on its promises.  

Before taking migratory action, young people in Senegalese villages often rely on social networks for determining where to go and how to get there. In this way, relatives who have previously migrated play a central role in future migration by providing accommodations, guidance, and sometimes providing access to employment through existing networks.

“They helped me in every way … giving me advice…It was my uncle who took me into his painting team and taught me the trade.” (SenMig3) 

Despite the conceived ideas that circulate about life in Dakar, migrants often experience the city differently based on their existing expectations and education levels. Many who take the step to move identify palpable differences between city and village life which incites mixed emotions for those in transition. In general, internal migration is highly characterised by its transient nature for the Senegalese people as they wrestle with maintaining continual links with their place of origin.  

There is also some distinction between more recent arrivals to Dakar and those who migrated to Dakar 5-10 years ago. Those who have arrived more recently are less willing to return to their villages, and they may be more inclined to take a chance at going abroad if the opportunity presents itself. Those who have migrated to Dakar and have now been residing there for some time do not necessarily hope to return to their villages but are more open to seeing it as an option if rural life changes. Some rural areas have developed in recent years to provide more schools; however, opportunities for professional training are still limited. 

Land of opportunity 

As the capital city of Senegal, migrants typically experience that, compared to their former villages, Dakar has plenty to offer—more activities, job prospects, entertainment, and services. Migrants pinpoint things like “soccer matches, concerts … hospitals, important universities … work, learning, and care for people” (SenMig09) as some of the significant spectacles and opportunities the city can offer its inhabitants. This stands in contrast to the monotony and simplicity of life in the village. Some migrants who have sought out employment in the city also find that they can afford a different way of life with their new work.  

Hidden disappointments 

While many emphasise the positive realities of the urban environment, others must navigate feelings of disillusionment as they face new challenges around finding a job, affordability, and insecurity. Despite desiring to escape from an existing context in which jobs, factories, and businesses are lacking, there are no guarantees that migrants transitioning to Dakar for work will be able to find it, particularly those who are less educated. Those who do not have established formal or informal networks in the city may be particularly vulnerable to employment issues. Migrants who struggle to “make it” must deal with both the shame and impoverished reality of returning to their original villages.  

For those who are able to secure work, additional realities sink in given the higher cost of living in the city compared to the village. One may be able to earn more money, but finances do not stretch quite as far for workers who must also pay for expensive living costs on top of sending remittances to family members back in the villages. For these reasons, some migrants conclude that the rural regions offer a better life than what Dakar can provide. 

Despite this, migrants generally agree that it is worthwhile to try to make a life, however temporary, in Dakar because there is a relatively higher net return if one is able to secure work and overcome urban barriers. 

The lack of solidarity in the urban environment also weighs on some migrants who are accustomed to the familial security of village life. Migrants describe the crime and youth delinquency in the city as distinct from the otherwise peaceful, safe, and community-oriented life in rural Senegal. However, the problems in the village provide constant motivation for why migrants have left in the first place: lack of infrastructure, services, education, and work have forced them to attempt another way of life.   

The urban and the rural: Complementary geographies 

The tension between the urban and rural regions in Senegal are deeply intertwined in the lives of internal migrants. Rather than viewing these spaces as two separate landscapes that foster distinct types of living, the circular migrant in Senegal requires both for his/her individual life trajectory—the urban complements the rural, and together, they can offer both tradition and modernism, safety and work. As one migrant has succinctly described: “The village is a tree with its roots, while the city is a tree with its fruits.” (SenMig15).  

Dakar is a city with various pathways cutting through it: there are circular loops for migrants who have come temporarily to seek work and return to their village after a stint; there are longer and, at times, rather risky paths for those passing through Dakar on the way to places abroad; and there are complex, zig-zagging paths for those who seek to go abroad but remain in an experimental phase of short-term movements to other West African countries with less rigid restrictions compared to Europe, Asia, or North America.  

But at times, Dakar is not enough, and migrants are pushed further abroad out of desperation to leave the conditions in Senegal. These external migration patterns are not straightforward and often involve great risk. Lack of training and job opportunities are the key reasons for people migrating abroad, but other cultural factors play a role as well. 

“…Getting out [emigrating] would be the best thing to do.” (SenMig20) 

Among the 30 respondents surveyed in this research, 83% indicated that they would prefer to migrate abroad if the opportunity presented itself, revealing a marked enthusiasm to leave their existing conditions in Senegal. Main influences to do so originate from friends and family members who return to villages and stimulate the imagination of villagers. This comes at a point in time where the common societal myth of the successful student in his own country from the 1970s has been replaced by the myth of the enterprising and brave migrant. The urge to migrate abroad is yet another stage within the decades-long migration narrative for Senegal.  

Dakar acts as a springboard for those seeking external migration routes. The urban centre is a place to gain experience and build financial and social capital that can enable one to make the next step abroad. The general perception is that difficulties of living in Senegal may be counteracted by the possibilities afforded via emigration. And it is younger generations in particular who tend to be fuelled to leave by a mix of disillusionment, exasperation toward national authorities, perceptions of feeling trapped, desire for new experiences, and enthusiastic ambitions for the future.  

While present conditions push them to leave, vague insights of life in Europe or elsewhere also attracts migrants who have already relocated to Dakar and are curious to go abroad, such as better living conditions and the material acquisitions of those in their social networks who have successfully migrated internationally. 

While interest is high, there exists a mismatch between the aspiration to migrate and the operative planning and decision-making for taking concrete action towards emigration. This mismatch shapes most of the individual experience, with interested residents experiencing discouragement by various obstacles to success, such as adverse migration policy and regulations. Although most respondents expressed a willingness to go if the opportunity presents itself, they appear to be in a holding pattern, waiting for the opportune moment to present itself. 

“People must not hurry. You just have to bide your time. If your turn comes, you will leave.” (SenMig25) 

Potential international migrants from Senegal have various destinations in mind, from other countries within the West African region to Europe to, more recently, locations in North America and Asia. However, most existing social contacts tend to be in Europe which highly influences where future migrants will relocate. Historically, Senegalese have often landed in Italy or France based on work availability, but destinations vary based on the immediate opportunities at the moment of migration.

There has also been an increase in the popularity of places like Dubai and China where young people seek jobs that can grant high pay in a quick amount of time. The lack of clear destination countries and focus on leaving Senegal more than on arriving in a specific country leads to imprecise emigration patterns. Unlike other nations who have a high degree of migration to Europe, the Senegalese people do not view life in Europe as a utopian landscape. Rather, it is mainly understood as a temporary destination available for financial gains, and the specific cities or lifestyles are not perceived as a fantastical dream for those moving abroad.  

The most confident and legal option for Senegalese emigrants is to obtain a visa for study or a specific job. One key first step in this process is to secure ahead of time a contact person who can ensure that one will be welcomed and can clarify travel arrangements. So-called “swallows”, or informal networks of people, mediate such processes and help to concretise one’s migration aspirations.   

 Social media also enables potential migrants to stay informed about family and friends living abroad and strengthen relationships that can transform into job opportunities or provision of a clear migration route. Respondents in the research identified cousins and relatives living in places such as France, Spain, and the United States with whom they maintain contact via social media.  

Cultural and ethnic ties also provide informal networks for Senegalese migrants, such as for the Murid brotherhood, which has provided organisational ties fostering circular migration both internally in Senegal as well as internationally. Religious communities such as this still play a role today. 

Acquiring the necessary resources and social capital, in addition to appropriate funds to go abroad, is not always manageable. Changes in the 1990s and 2000s regarding ease of movement for Senegalese to migrate to Europe have influenced the pathways of migration. Several policies connected to the destination countries have been implemented, such as work with the IOM to control undocumented migration by boats while also expanding legal migration opportunities.

Some partnerships have emerged between Senegal and European destination countries (such as Spain) which aim to promote legal migration and reduce undocumented migration by contracting local Senegalese from Dakar who wish to work in the destination country. The Senegalese government has also received 15 million euros over 5 years towards the effort of controlling undocumented migrants.  

The cost of migration 

In order to emigrate abroad, one needs adequate resources. Dakar offers a place to start building up the appropriate finances and networks to be able to take action. But when documentation and legal routes feel impossible to attain, riskier routes, such as taking pirogues across the sea or migrating across the desert, expose travelers to the threats of death, hunger, and human trafficking. 

In earlier decades, undocumented migrants may have risked travelling by air if they could afford it or bribing customs workers to pass into destination countries. But tighter restrictions prevent people from taking these physically safer routes. In 2005, Frontex barricaded the Moroccan routes and increased deportations of migrants flowing through Northwestern African countries including Tunisia and Algeria. With borders in coastal countries, abnormal migration routes take place through Libya. According to one expert, if authorities decide to crack down on the Libyan passages, people will seek out precarious routes through Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Lebanon to go to Europe.  

The emergence of so many alternative routes, no matter the dangers, speaks to the desperation that Senegalese migrants feel towards the environmental, economic, and social tragedies in their home country.

Migrants understand that such risks of physical suffering are worthwhile because remaining in their current circumstances means enduring social or economic death all the same. At a minimum, the risk of the migration adventure is perceived as more noble.

With family awaiting remittances, men in despairing circumstances seek out pathways that have slight hope, no matter the inevitable danger. Importantly, those who take these routes are often less educated or even illiterate, which means they will have an exceptionally difficult time when they do arrive in their destination country. 

“Our families depend entirely on us, so we must be prepared to sacrifice ourselves for them so that they can live in good conditions. No matter what the obstacle, a man should always be able to overcome it.” (SenMig29) 

“Everyone knows that [emigration by sea through the Mediterranean] is not a safe thing, but if you see people that keep taking these routes it is because they are desperate and have no choice. There are times when dying is the least of your worries.” (SenMig26) 

“The first time I left, I went to Guinea Bissau. It was for a cashew nut campaign. I stay for almost three months … Then I went to Cape Verde where I lasted only a month because of visa problems. Then I was again in Guinea Bissau but this time I stayed only one week. It was only later that I returned to the village [Liayel, close to Kolda], and from there, I tried to reach Libya directly.” (SenMig20) 

“People must speak frankly to the countries of the north, the countries of destinations, but they do not listen to us. When there are restrictions on entering their territories, there will always be irregular or illegal migration because people will always try to leave.” (SenExp01). 

Such stories reveal the clash of “discomfort and ambition,” as one respondent stated, that characterise the internal turmoil of the Senegalese migrant looking to move abroad.  

The COVID-19 pandemic has reinforced many of Senegal’s economic issues, for example, the country’s GDP dropped from 6.4 to 2.8 between 2018 and 2021. While internal migration was interrupted due to mobility restrictions, the situation ignited a desire in many people to emigrate abroad, hoping to discover job vacancies in countries such as Spain. The pandemic also diminished local morale as Senegal residents suffered social and economic devastation.   

The general expectation from respondents is that people will continue to seek refuge from poor economic and social conditions in an elusive elsewhere.  

Despite their rigid borders, Europe is likely to continue to be a key destination for Senegalese migrants. This is primarily due to the existing networks of the Senegalese diaspora. Even though there have been some emerging trends in migrants seeking out destinations like the United States, Canada, Argentina, China, and the UAE, these countries also have closed systems in comparison to Europe.  

Future migration, and its regularity or abnormality, will depend on policies and relationships between West Africa and the rest of the globe. It will also depend on development within Senegal and whether the country can transform into a place where residents can live and work for their whole lives.