Marbles for Mourning
Roman Cinerary Urns at the Michael C. Carlos Museum
Cineraria
Ancient Roman cinerary urns (in Latin, cineraria or urnae) are vessels made to hold the cremated remains (cinerēs or ossa) of the dead. They were popular among a cross-section of Roman society in the early imperial period, presenting us with the names and unique stories of enslaved and freed people, Rome’s lower to middle classes, and new Roman citizens. Drawing on the collection of cinerary urns at the Michael C. Carlos Museum, this exhibition explores how these modest monuments give voice to the social concerns, aesthetic interests, and commemorative strategies of Rome’s non-elite inhabitants.
Cinerary urns were made from terracotta , glass , and different types of stone, including alabaster , granite, limestone, and marble. White marble from the quarries of ancient Luna (modern Carrara) was the preferred stone for urns in the city of Rome. These urns imitated a variety of forms, including altars, baskets , chests, tombs, and vases, and were adorned with sculpted decoration and inscribed names, offering a trove of information about the identities and social lives of the deceased. Marble urns are one of many types of Roman funerary monuments available to the ancient buyer. They served as meaningful gifts and solemn memorials, preserving the memory of the dead and their remains. The urns featured in this exhibition come from different areas of the Roman Empire but represent the range of types used in antiquity.
Perhaps the most frequently chosen form is the chest-shaped urn. These cineraria are typically decorated with relief carving framing a central tablet, with protomes, often in the form of rams' heads, bulls’ skulls (bucrania), or eagles, at the upper corners of the urn. The tablet is often inscribed with the name(s) of the deceased and perhaps the name(s) of a donor, relative, spouse, friend, or patron. Some inscriptions also include professional titles and indicators of social status.
Cinerarium of Caius Pompeius Ireneus
Roman (late first century, Flavian, ca. 69-96 CE). Marble (Luna/Carrara, Italy). Said to be found near Porta Capena ca. 1640, Rome. 1997.004.014 a/b. Gift of William and Carol Thibadeau.
Inscription: CIL VI 24474
D. M. C. Pompeio / Ireneo H. Et / Alumnus / Martinus / Fecit B. M.
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
Two rams’ heads on each corner of the chest serve as protomes and signify votive offerings. A front-facing head of the gorgon Medusa stares out from a garland of fruit suspended from their horns, while birds peck at the snake-laden hair of Medusa and at baskets of fruit in the lower corners. Horn-shaped vessels (cornucopiae) full of fruit and grain also decorate the lid. Representations of Medusa’s head were believed to ward off ill omens, while the fruit, birds, and grain symbolize abundance, alluding both to a fulfilling life lived and possibly to a happy afterlife.
The inscription announces that the urn was dedicated for Caius Pompeius Ireneus by his heir and adopted son (alumnus) Martinus. The urn was discovered ca. 1640 near the Porta Capena in Rome, possibly in a nearby tomb complex identified during earlier excavations by the antiquarian Pirro Ligorio. Multiple columbaria tombs were discovered during this time, some containing urns bearing inscriptions by members of the gens Pompeia with whom the Ireneus of this urn must have been related. One such urn , now in the British Museum, was discovered around the same time as the urn of Ireneus and is inscribed using a similar technique. It is possible that the two urns are related based on similar letter forms, the shared family name, and their original setting or findspot.
Click the icons to explore more key features of this marble cinerary urn.
Click the map to zoom in for more detail. Approximate findspot for the Cinerarium of Pompeius Ireneus near the Porta Capena in Rome, ca. 1640.
Many cineraria were carved to look like altars or tombs. These types feature architectural decoration such as columns or pilasters, doors, and ashlar masonry. Pedimental lids suggest gabled roofs. Columns typically take the place of votive protomes used on many chest-shaped urns and funerary altars. The representation of doors evokes the context of a tomb or even the gates of the underworld, as well as suggesting how the urn functions as an eternal home for the deceased. Some tomb-shaped urns feature open doors with a human figure either entering or exiting, or the mythological three-headed dog Cerberus who guarded the entrance of the underworld. Like chest-shaped urns, the altar- or tomb-shaped urns typically feature a prominent tablet for inscription and in some cases also a small portrait bust or full body representation of the deceased.
Cinerarium of Tiberius Claudius Theodorus
Roman (late first/early second century CE). Marble (Luna/Carrara, Italy). L2003.014.048a, b. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: D. M. / Ti. Claudio / Theodoro / Ti. Claudius Theodo/ rus Filius
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
This tomb-shaped urn was dedicated for a man named Tiberius Claudius Theodorus by his son, who had the same name. Despite lacking the characteristic title of libertus Augusti, their adoption of the emperor's name suggests these men are imperial freedmen. The inscription tablet is supported by a lion's or griffin's legs, which can be compared to metalwork or finely sculpted tomb furnishings and architectural ornaments. A sculpted garland hangs between the columns and over the inscription tablet, symbolizing or substituting for real garlands that visitors would place on tombs or perhaps give as offerings before an urn. Decorative details on the door evoke fine bronze or marble doors seen on real tombs. Two birds, a motif often found on cinerary urn lids, are carved into the triangular threshold of this mock door.
The spiral columns at each corner are meant to resemble Ionic or Corinthian columns with protruding volutes on the capitals, as if the urn were an actual tomb. This conceit is continued on the short sides, where the column appears to support the entablature of a roof, and incised lines created the illusion of ashlar masonry blocks from which a real tomb would be built.
The surface of this urn is uniformly eroded and soiled, perhaps indicating storage in a dark, moist location, either in antiquity or after collection.
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
Uninscribed Cinerarium
Roman (first century, Flavian, ca. 69-96 CE). Marble (Luna/Carrara, Italy). 1989.002.005. Gift of Harvey Smith.
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
Vase-shaped urns were also popular but featured less ornate decoration than other urn types. Many are found unfinished and lacking any decoration: this uninscribed urn is decorated with a fleur-de-lis design, which may be the result of post-antique reworking. Between the two handles and below the lip of the vessel is a more deeply recessed band, which may once have carried an inscribed or painted name. It is possible that this was removed during subsequent use or reworked at a later date.
Metropolitan Rome
The numerous urns found in metropolitan Rome demonstrate an array of imaginative combinations of urn shapes and decorative motifs, indicating how sculptors individualized the standard urn forms discussed above.
Vegetal designs are among the most popular types of decoration. Sculpted acanthus scrollwork is meant to recall the perennial plant used in imagery of larger tombs, carved reliefs for funerary garden enclosures, painted frescoes, mosaics, and perhaps even the monumental Altar of Augustan Peace (Ara Pacis Augustae). This acanthus imagery, popularized in Greek tombs and again by the emperor Augustus, was thought to symbolize renewal of life, immortality, and has religious connections with the god Dionysus/Bacchus.
Cinerarium of Aulus Folius Felix and Manlia Optata
Roman (early to mid-first century CE). Marble (probably Luna/Carrara, Italy). L2007.006.002a, b. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: A. Folius Felix / Sibi et / Manliae Optatae / Coiugi Suae
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
This chest-shaped urn, dedicated for a man named Aulus Folius Felix and his wife Manlia Optata, features a symmetrical composition with acanthus scrollwork projecting from beneath the inscription tablet. Flowers fill each spiraling tendril. The social status of the deceased couple is uncertain, but the inclusion of COIUGI (for coniunx, "wife/spouse") in the inscription suggests Roman citizenship and a legal marriage.
The urn shows areas of weather damage and post-antique conservation efforts. At the lower right, a circular plug was inserted, perhaps as a repair. Differences in weathering pattern and carving styles suggest the lid may not belong with the urn.
Additional alterations may be observed on the short sides where an entire scroll of acanthus foliage (lower left in the image) was replaced or repaired, probably in the early modern period.
Digital image courtesy of Cody Houseman.
Cinerarium of Claudius Terentius
Roman (mid-first century CE). Marble (probably Luna/Carrara, Italy). L2009.004.042a, b. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: CIL VI 38191
D. M. / Clau. Terenti / Atilia Postumili. / Filio Fecit
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
On this urn, small birds peck at vines and berries growing from a vase. More birds peck at a basket of fruit on the lid. Both the plants and the birds evoke popular garden imagery and are suggestive of abundance. Like other decorative motifs on urns, these images are also found in the painted decoration of tombs, perhaps evoking an idyllic setting, which relates to a trope (locus amoenus, "pleasant place" in Latin) used in contemporary literature, especially pastoral and epic poetry, to present a comfortable life lived well. On later Christian sarcophagi, this Roman imagery with the vine was adapted for depictions of the biblical story of Jonah seeking refuge under a gourd vine, alluding to salvation after death.
The inscription names the deceased, Claudius Terentius and his mother, Atilia Postumilla, who commissioned the urn on his behalf. No age is given for Claudius Terentius, but numerous other urns that are dedicated by mothers for their sons note an age below twenty years.
Four drill holes on the inscription tablet were added after antiquity and perhaps indicate reuse and the addition of another tablet. Metal pins were also drilled vertically into the lip of the urn and the lid to hold the two pieces together.
Although the urn appears chest-shaped from the front, the back is semi-cylindrical. This shape, along with the relatively small size, suggests the urn was intended to fit into a small, rounded niche of a communal columbarium tomb. The carefully composed scales or feathers on the lid also contrast sharply with the freeform, organic sculpting of decoration on the face of the urn. This detail suggests the top was visible and that the urn was positioned at or below eye level in relation to the viewer.
Digital image courtesy of Cody Houseman.
Cinerarium of Aulus Egrilius and Egrilius Aghathopus
Roman (early second century CE). Marble (probably Luna/Carrara, Italy). L2009.004.043a, b. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: D. --- A. Egrili. A. F. Pal. Mali. Puilchri --- M. / Aedilia Adlegto Sacri / Volkani / Faciundis Pr. Secund. / A. Egrilius Aghathopus / Sev. Aug. Fect. Et Sibi
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
Two confronting hares feed on fruit beneath the inscription tablet on this chest-shaped urn. A menacing eagle with spread wings serves as the protome on each corner of the urn. This imagery appears in the painted decoration of many tombs and on other cinerary urns as well as in the painted decoration of many tombs. It is also replicated on mosaics across the ancient Mediterranean world, suggesting the popularity of this type of motif, regardless of the medium.
The lengthy inscription begins on the upper lip of the urn and identifies the deceased Aulus Egrilius as a member of the Palatine tribe, one of four ancient groups of settlers inhabiting the Palatine Hill in Rome during the city's early history. It also records that he served as an aedile priest of the blacksmith god Vulcan and held the title of a secondary magistrate (praetor secundus). Vulcan's cult is only attested in the port city of Ostia, implying that the urn originates from a tomb in the vicinity. In the second century, inhabitants of the city prayed to the gods for protection against fires in warehouses used to store goods. Other inscriptions attest that numerous freedmen of the gens Egrilia were members of the priesthood, suggesting that Egrilius was also a freed slave.
The inscription mentions another man named Aulus Egrilius Aghathopus, who held the important administrative title of sevir augustalis (custodian of the Augustales, a group of priests who maintained the cult of the emperor Augustus and his family). We are told he commissioned the urn for Egrilius and for himself (sibi). Severi Augustales were typically freedmen, suggesting that Aghathopus was also formerly enslaved to the gens Egrilii. This is also implied by his name: enslaved people were often given Greek names, such as Aghathopus, by Roman slave-owners, and received the former enslaver's/patron's names on manumission.
Even simply decorated urns also present fascinating details.
Cinerarium of Aulus Cornelius Afer
Roman (mid-first century CE, Claudian). Marble (probably Luna/Carrara, Italy). Said to be found in or before 1886 in a small columbarium tomb outside the Porta Salaria in Rome. L2009.004.050. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: CIL VI 35019
A. Corneli. / A. F. Vol. / Afri.
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
This tomb-shaped urn is standard in its form but valuable for its details. The figural imagery on the lid replicates standard motifs seen on numerous other urns. Small drill holes outlining the flowers on the lid delineate areas for additional carving, like a connect-the-dots puzzle. They indicate that the urn was unfinished in antiquity.
The inscription is remarkable because of its rare example of the Claudian digamma, the inverted 'F' on the tablet. The emperor Claudius attempted to popularize use of this Latinized equivalent of the Greek letter W (digamma) or 'V' in Latin. Use of the letter was unpopular and quickly discontinued after his death. Here the inscription identifies Aulus Cornelius as a member of the Voltilian tribe, which designated Gallic citizens. The name Afer, however, suggests connections with Africa.
A large crack is visible along the lower portion of the urn below the inscription plaque frame. This occurred as a complete break with the base of the urn becoming completely detached.
The urn was reportedly excavated between the via Salaria and the via Pinciana in Rome, in proximity to multiple small columbaria tombs which are known to have housed terracotta and marble urns.
Approximate findspot recorded from excavation of the cinerarium between the via Salaria and the via Pinciana in 1886.
Upon close inspection, traces of the urn's manufacture are present on the surface. Faint straight lines on the inscription tablet are the remnants of traced measurements, guidelines which the engraver used to lay out the letters for the inscription. All of the lines intersect and form a grid. This grid suggests that the carver aligned the rows of letters vertically, akin to modern day typeface setting. Similar intersecting lines are visible on the underside of the lid, suggesting guidelines were used also for sculpting other geometric details of the relief. The pilasters are carved only on the front; there is no decoration along the short sides.
Digital image courtesy of Cody Houseman.
Cinerarium of Tiberius Claudius Hermas
Roman (late first century CE - early second century CE, possibly Hadrianic). Marble (probably Luna/Carrara, Italy). L1999.031.037. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: Dis Man / Ti. Claudi . Aug. L. / Hermae
Digital image courtesy of Cody Houseman.
This altar-shaped urn of Tiberius Claudius Hermas (colloquially known as Hermes) creatively adapts many standard features seen on marble cineraria. Spiraling vines twist together to form columns with floral capitals that originally supported the lid of the urn. Between these, two leonine griffins rest a paw on a sacrificial ram's head. Beneath the tablet is a portrait of the deceased man and his wife who embraced each other within a seashell frame supported by two winged personifications of love (erotes). Their marriage is indicated by the joining of right hands, a gesture called dextrarum iunctio.
The precisely carved letters of the inscription identify the deceased man as an imperial freedman, meaning that he was formerly enslaved within the emperor's household. After manumission, indicated by the letter L for libertus, he added the name of his former enslaver/patron, Tiberius Claudius.
Carved in the narrow spaces between the tablet and vine columns are military arms, possibly suggesting some connection with military service or honors. This imagery is occasionally found on other cineraria, most notably an intricately designed urn said to be found in a tomb at Anagni, Italy, and now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.
Both short sides of the cinerarium are carved with hanging representations of amuletic oscilla (sing. oscillum) in the shape of lunette axes or shields with griffins at their points. These reference the miniature shields on the front of the urn. Their shape also recalls the shields (peltae) of Amazonian warriors, which were popular in architectural design. Flaming torches, which are frequently depicted on urns and later sarcophagi, adorn the rear corners.
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
In contrast to the fine carving and smoothing on the sides of the urn that were intended to be seen, the rear was left unfinished, preserving various tool marks. This prioritization of the frontal view is typical of most altar- or chest-shaped urns.
The sculptor first used a point chisel to remove large portions of marble, and then used a three-pronged claw-tooth chisel to level the surface. Some of the larger, deeper marks made by the point chisel can be seen beneath the more uniform marks of the claw-tooth chisel that cover the surface of the marble.
Evidence for the use of the point chisel is most readily visible in the interior cavity of the urn, where it was used to remove large amounts of marble quickly.
Interior of the Cinerarium of Tiberius Claudius Hermas.
Provincial Production
On the western frontiers of the Roman Empire, local stones such as sandstone and limestone were used more commonly than marble, which had to be imported. Sculptors in the eastern Mediterranean, however, continued using local marble for urns because of its ready availability. But despite the use of different materials, cineraria from outside Rome still replicated motifs that were popular on urns made in the urban center and that were also familiar to travelers and soldiers living in the provinces.
Cinerarium of Aurelia
Roman British (late second to third century CE). Marble (Luna/Carrara, Italy). Found near Roman Corbridge, Northumberland, England. L2003.014.050a, b. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: RIB 2326
D. M. / Aureliae / Achaices
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
According to Eneas Mackenzie's An historical, topographical, and descriptive view of the County of Northumberland, Newcastle upon Tyne , the urn was discovered prior to 1825 "near Corbridge" and then entered the Collection of the Duke of Northumberland at Alnwick Castle. The inscription was recorded as early as 1825, but subsequent scholars believed that the urn had been imported to England from Rome during the eighteenth century because of the uncommon use of white marble in the region. Closer investigation, however, suggests the urn was in fact originally made in Great Britain.
The Roman settlement of Corbridge was originally a military fortress located approximately 2.5 miles south of Hadrian’s Wall in the province of Brittania. Corbridge developed at a crossroads between two major trade routes for the military settlement at the wall. The area became a vibrant trade center with a civilian population, attracting craftsmen and traveling merchants. Despite this, few tombs or other artifacts have been found at Corbridge. The most noteworthy example is a sandstone tombstone for a standard-bearer in the Roman army named Flavinus , now displayed at Hexham Abbey.
The winged shape of the inscription tablet (known as tabula ansata) and the pilasters on this urn are paralleled by examples from metropolitan Rome, but the carving style, simple decoration, and the name of the deceased individual all indicate production in Roman Britain. Similar finds from the periphery of Roman Corbridge and nearby Halton Chesters are close in style and carving technique and suggest a possible connection to the second (legio II Augusta) and sixth (legio VI victrix) legions of the Roman army. An inscription displayed with the Carlos urn when it was at Alnwick Castle, and that was therefore possibly discovered in the same area, is associated with the sixth legion ( RIB 1428 ).
Finds from the Principia (headquarters) of the West Compound at Corbridge are the most comparable in style, carving quality, and surface condition. An association with the Roman army may explain why the inscription is carved onto a tabula ansata, as this was a popular choice for legionary inscriptions. Military distance slabs found along the Antonine Wall are carved in a similar manner, but in local limestone or sandstone. The similarities of crisp geometric forms and lines with softly modeled figurative decoration on both the distance slabs and the Cinerarium of Aurelia suggest a skilled local stone-carver familiar with local stone and applying his usual working practices to marble.
The Cinerarium of Aurelia is particularly special because it documents the deceased woman's importance and place in history. In addition to potentially being a soldier's wife, Aurelia may have been a new citizen or a prominent woman at Corbridge. The Edict of Caracalla (Constitutio Antoniana) in the year 212 CE resulted in widespread enfranchisement, which in turn gave rise to the popularity of Aurelius and Aurelia as names for new citizens, inspired by the emperor Caracalla (formally named Marcus Aurelius Antoninus). Other contemporary women with eastern names, like Achaice, are recorded as priestesses or as dedicators of altars in the area of Corbridge, indicating that she too may have been a prominent citizen.
Marble Analysis
A combination of analytical methods was used to determine the type of stone sourced for the urn and to understand its surface condition.
Bird's-eye view of the lid with carbonized gypsum crust.
The urn's dark, discolored surface is due to gypsum encrustation and accumulated carbon. This development may be a result of the environmental conditions of its location at Alnwick Castle. Mackenzie describes the urn on display among various rusted weapons in the basement of the Constable's Tower where there is similar discoloration on the walls.
Marble surface from underside of the lid.
The original marble surface is still visible on the underside of the lid. Carrara marble was typical of metropolitan Roman cinerary urns, but its use was quite rare in Roman Britain and other provincial areas.
Analysis of the urn's surface first with a portable X-ray fluorescence (pXRF) device helped to identify the elemental composition of the stone used for the urn. Shown here are spectra graphs of X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy from the Cinerarium of Aurelia.
With pXRF analysis, X-rays are directed at the surface of the object. In response, excited atoms of specific elements in the stone emit fluorescent energy. Each element has characteristic emission levels. The high red peaks indicate calcium and sulfur, which are the major elements in the marble. The minor elements of iron, copper, and strontium were also detected. These results help rule out some quarries, such as Goktepe, and dolomitic marble. Additional testing was necessary to identify the marble.
Powder sample taken from bottom of the urn by Carlos Museum chief conservator Renée Stein.
Robert Tykot at the University of South Florida also examined a powdered stone sample taken from the bottom of the urn. He performed stable isotope analysis to ascertain more specific elemental levels and better compare the sample to marble from ancient quarries that have been identified previously. This additional testing rules out unidentified local stones from the United Kingdom, which may appear similar to marble due to the presence of the gypsum crust. Considered in conjunction with pXRF analysis results, known elemental information, and visual analysis of the marble's translucence and fine grain size (<1 mm), findings from stable isotope analysis strongly support identification of the stone as Luna/Carrara marble.
Cinerarium of Candus
Berber/Roman North Africa (second to third century CE). Limestone. Possibly from Leptis Magna, Libya. L2007.006.003. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: Candus (retrograde)
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
This vase-shaped urn is thought to come from northern Africa where small columbaria tombs were still in use by certain Roman-Berber families despite decreasing use in Italy. The decoration on the body of this urn was created using an adjustable compass and strap drill. This particular style of urn and decoration was especially favored at Leptis Magna in modern Libya. In antiquity, the urn would have been sealed by a conical lid with a finial. The inscription was incised in a freehand manner.
Comparable cinerary vases made in limestone and alabaster may be seen at the Leptis Magna Archaeological Museum. Their vase shape with a finial lid was popular also among elite tombs at Rome in the late Republic and early Empire.
Digital image courtesy of Andi Fasimpaur.
In the context of a tomb, this type of decoration allowed for dramatic shadows and viewing, seen here at left on another vase-shaped cinerary urn from the Tripoli Museum in Libya.
Digital image courtesy of Martin Beek.
Inscribed Cinerarium
Roman East (second to third century CE). Marble (Ephesus, Turkey). L2009.004.001. Lent by Lewis M. Dubroff.
Inscription: Pouph[.]a Tyche (Greek)
Digital images courtesy of Cody Houseman.
This large cinerary chest demonstrates the effects of both geographical distance from the center of Rome and later chronological changes from the early imperial types with which this exhibition began. The sculptor sourced Ephesian marble, suggesting its origin in the Greek East. The urn is also significantly larger than any examples from metropolitan Rome, measuring 34 x 59.1 x 36 cm. Larger vessels were popular in the Greek East and later were imported into Rome.
Rather than commemorating a named individual, the inscription in Greek letters wishes good fortune to the viewer. The urn is decorated with two ram's head protomes and a central bull's head (bucranium). Bountiful floral garlands are suspended between the animals' heads.
The decoration was carved in a modular fashion and left unfinished on both the short sides and rear. The marble was picked away to form the basic shape required for the garland and animal heads. This practice is evident on multiple Ephesian marble cineraria, including those discovered in situ by John Turtle Wood who excavated along Magnesian Road outside Ephesus. Some have also been discovered between Rome and Ostia Antica along the via Ostiensis.
The discolored surface of this urn has been covered with algae, moss, and lichen. This growth indicates that the urn was stored in a damp environment and exposed to light for a notable duration of time rather than buried in situ in a dark tomb like comparable examples.
Rear view showing preparatory carving and moss.
Changes
Preferred burial methods changed slowly over time with a decline in cremation and an increase in the practice of inhumation (burial) of bodies in the mid- to late second century CE. As a result, elaborately carved marble sarcophagi became popular alternatives to marble cinerary urns.
Garland Sarcophagus
Roman (mid-second century CE, Hadrianic). Marble (Luna/Carrara or Dokimeion). 1999.011.007. Carlos Collection of Ancient Art. Uninscribed.
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
Winged child-like figures, usually identified as cupids, appear frequently on cinerary urns and later sarcophagi, often supporting garlands and ribbons. Here, each cupid holds a garland composed of vegetation representing a season: blooming flowers for spring, wheat shafts for summer, harvested fruits for autumn, and olive for winter. Between each garland are smaller figures that also correspond to a season. Winter, for example, is represented by a figure wearing a warm cloak and riding a boar, which was more easily hunted in the cold season. The boar is contrasted on the opposite end by a lion, a far more challenging adversary. In the center are a confronting bull and panther, the former ridden by a cupid holding a basket of grain and the latter by a cupid holding grapes, both symbolizing Dionysus and the harvest.
Fragment of a Sarcophagus with Scene of a Boar Hunt
Roman (late second to early third century CE). Marble (Prokonessian-1). 1989.003.001. Gift of the Connoisseurs.
Digital image courtesy of the Michael C. Carlos Museum.
Boar hunts appear elsewhere in funerary art, as on this fragment from a sarcophagus decorated with a scene from the myth of the hero Meleager and the Calydonian Boar Hunt. Hunting scenes such as this one, whether biographical or mythological, emphasized masculine ideals of virtue for the deceased by displaying the man confronting a fierce wild beast. Because Meleager died in pursuit of the Calydonian boar, representations of the myth on sarcophagi often also articulated the tragedy of youth taken too soon in death.
Other sarcophagi display biographical scenes and portraits of the deceased as the primary decoration. This front panel of an uninscribed sarcophagus (L1999.031.033) in the Carlos Museum presents an unnamed married couple. Their union is signaled by their joined right hands (dextrarum iunctio). The man also holds a scroll, which may represent a marriage contract.
Although sarcophagi became more widely used, some people continued to choose cinerary urns. Certain urns feature the strigillated decoration seen on contemporary sarcophagi of the second and third centuries CE.
Strigillated Vase with Snake Handles
Roman (late second century CE, Antonine). Marble. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 2007.31a, b. Rogers Fund. Uninscribed.
This vase-shaped cinerarium at the Metropolitan Museum in New York (2007.31a, b) demonstrates the exceptional skill and quality achieved by some craftsmen. Here, the strigillated decoration of the body replicates the sinuous tails of the serpents that form the handles. The foot of the vase is restored.
No matter their shape or size, marble funerary monuments such as cinerary urns and sarcophagi were valued memorials made to preserve the remains and the memory of the deceased for Roman families to mourn and honor their ancestors.
Selected Bibliography
Stine Birk. 2013. Depicting the Dead: Self-representation and Commemoration on Roman Sarcophagi with Portraits. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.
Barbara Borg. 2019. Roman Tombs and the Art of Commemoration. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Dietrich Boschung. 1987. Antike Grabaltäre aus den Nekropolen Roms. Bern: Stämpfli.
Glenys Davies. 2010. "Before Sarcophagi," in Life, Death, and Representation. Some New Work on Roman Sarcophagi. New York: De Gruyter. 21-54.
Diana E. E. Kleiner. 1987. Roman Imperial Funerary Altars with Portraits. Rome: G. Breitschneider.
Eneas Mackenzie. 1825. An historical, topographical, and descriptive view of the county of Northumberland. Mackenzie and Dent: Newcastle upon Tyne.
Ben Russell. 2013. The Economics of the Roman Stone Trade. New York: Oxford University Press.
Friederike Sinn. 1987. Stadtrömische Marmorurnen. Mainz am Rhein: P. Von Zabern.
Peter Stewart. 2010. "Geographies of Provincialism in Roman Sculpture." RIHA Journal 5 (27 July 2010). <https://doi.org/10.11588/riha.2010.0.68533>
Robert Tykot, John Herrmann, Renee Stein, Jasper Gaunt, Susan Blevins, and Anne R. Skinner. 2015. "Analysis of Classical Marble Sculptures in the Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, Atlanta." ASMOSIA XI, 501-08.
A. Wallace-Hadrill. 2008. "Housing the Dead: The Tomb as House in Roman Italy," in A. Brink and D. Green (eds.), Commemorating the Dead: Texts and Artifacts in Context. Studies of Roman, Jewish, and Christian Burials. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 39-78.
W. T. Watkin. 1874. "On Some Forgotten or Neglected Roman Inscriptions Found in Britain," Archaeological Journal, 31. 344-59.
P. Zanker. 1988. "Bilderzwang: Augustan Political Symbolism in the Private Sphere," in J. Huskinson, M. Beard, and J. Reynolds (eds.), Image and Mystery in the Roman World. Papers Given in Memory of Jocelyn Toynbee. Gloucester: Alan Sutton, 1-22.
