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When interpreting the historical records that exists from the contact zone on the Maritime Peninsula, the landmass between the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Gulf of Maine, we are often faced with a one sided perspective when we examine the written record. This is the consequent of centuries of academic prioritization of written documents; pen and ink on paper is generally representative of the latest in 16th century technology. On the face of it, this was understood to be normative behavior for European settlers and their descendants, as theirs is a culture that forced the burden of empirical truth upon their arguments, and they could rely on a rich literative tradition to achieve this end. However, if we fail to acknowledge the cultural imbalance that typifies written primary sources relating the events of the “Age of Discovery”, and amend them to include song, dance, vernacular art, and performative or gestural acts common to Native Americans of the region, than we are at risk of losing the healthy discourse of cultures to a descent into a diabtribal monologue representing the dictum of despotic epistemology.  Thusly posited, in what way does humanistic ideation and the tangential artistic output of the French settlers on the Maritime Peninsula in the 16th and early 17th centuries affect the relationships they sought to form with the Indigenous peoples already residing there? And how are these ties structurally supported by the state and the church; how did they help instigate or overcome the inevitable conflict?  These questions can help us sort through an ever expanding pool of primary source “texts”, in a way that is quite informative.

The trouble with looking at Maine and New Brunswick and Nova Scotia history through the medium of the written word, is that the surviving literature is horrifyingly one-sided, as there is limited documentation from the Indigenous perspective that lasted the intervening centuries. And while we know that Indigenous cultures practiced mostly oral histories of guided and rehearsed recitals of events in lieu of written communications, theirs was a culture of artistic forms that we would indeed recognize as communicative and relational to historic events and narratives; a story to tell, just like all humans have utilized in their attempt to understand their world. The established orthodoxy of a purely literative approach is problematic when attempting historical inquest as unidentified biases within the written record will lead to inaccurate portrayals of the events at hand.

The argument that the Indigenous oral tradition cannot be trusted because of the inherent fictive nature of retelling a story hundreds of years later is naturally “untruthful” is understandable, but nonetheless flawed. In the The Routledge Handbook of Cartographic Humanities, Davi Pereia and Bjorn Sletto speak to this issue directly.

"Because Indigenous cartographies emerge from specific territorial, social and cultural realities and are shaped by Indigenous epistemologies and ontologies, they reflect the diverse, lived experiences of Indigenous people, embody situated forms of storytelling and reveal the symbolic connections that Indigenous peoples maintain with their territories." (Pereira & Sletto, 254)

If we pause for a moment to look towards the available written documents within the same time period, we can see a similarly biased representation contained in them. Speaking to a modern audience, Pereira & Sletto conclude their essay with:

Indigenous maps are not produced for purely instrumental reasons intended to meet specific demands vis-a-vis the nation-state. Instead, for Indigenous peoples, maps are an important tool to transmit their knowledge and cosmology to the next generation. Indigenous cartographies thus break with the paradigm of orthodox cartography, where maps are understood primarily as instruments to make war or to support the work of an administrative bureaucracy as it seeks to impose the logic of state governance. (Pereira & Sletto, 259)

That we must determine which records are fundamentally problematic and detrimental to accurate historical representation and which preservation methods of the academic “other” are valid, is patently obvious.

Through this lens we can see a clear necessity to implement inclusive methods for historical representation. We must listen to both sides to avoid exacerbating the latent biases that led to the mass removal and indoctrination of the remaining Indigenous, after the plagues spread across the contact zones, to borrow phrasing from Mary Louise Pratt. These are “social spaces where cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in contexts of highly asymmetrical relations of power, such as colonialism, slavery, or their aftermaths ” (Pratt, 34). To accomplish this reckoning, we must first acknowledge two truths: 

• Firstly, all creative works of humankind are naturally reflective of the cultures and authors that created them. 

• Secondly, we must deprioritize the written record to allow for rebuttal to the established doctrine of discovery, flawed as it has proven to be. (Pratt, 39)

As analysts, we can ill afford to silence one side’s perspective as it colors our interpretation with a biased lens, plainly. 

If we are indeed able to influence academics to rework the biases inherent in their self-constructed base of knowledge —a feat notoriously difficult to achieve— we will then be able to connect disparate groups through relying on the most basic of human congruences, the underlying similarities we share as a species. This commonality can be instructive during the mediation of conflict. If we deprioritize the written word we can then use images and performative gestures to allow an audience to extrapolate meaning in a form that they understand and personally find relevant. It is through this “acting out” of things the first contact between Europeans and Indigenous populations on North America were able to initially communicate. This fortunate outcome worked to help facilitate the sharing of food, drink, smoke, and above all, knowledge, as evidenced by this passage of Jacques Cartier’s travel narrative from his first and second voyages, published in 1580: 

…as we were comming out of the River, we met comming against us one of the Lords of that village Stadagona, accompanied with many others, as men, women, and childrē, who after the fashion of their Countrey, in signe of mirth and joy, began to make a long Oration, the Women still singing and dancing up to the knées in water. Our Captayne knowing their good will and kindnesse towarde us, caused the Boate wherein they were, to come unto him, and gave them certaine trifles, as knives, and beades of glasse, whereat they were marvellous glad, for we being gone about 3 leagues frō them, for the pleasure they conceyve of our comming, we might heare thē sing, & sée thē dance for all they were so farre. (Cartier, 38)

We can see the integral nature that this performance of gesture and bodily movement played in introducing these cultures to each other and if we prioritize the written record, as we have for so long, then we deincentivise the representation of the Indigenous perception as these are recorded through performative ritual (Pereira & Sletto, 259).

In extrapolating further from Cartier, the first explorer to reach the St. Lawrence River and the first to attempt to colonize it, it can be informative to see this ability to communicate nonverbally as the fundamental method for communication that will eventually allow these parties to find common ground as fellow humans. During these interactions, which can be easily recognized as performative art, a dance of interaction of a sort... If we think of the two parties as two halves of a whole audience watching a dance, than we can see how this physical discourse is playing upon the dramatic stage that Shakespeare spoke of with the line “all the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players” (Shakespeare, 81). We must actively make space in the conversation to allow for the humanity in others to flourish.

When encountering this in the texts of European travel narratives, a seemingly very specific literary genre, we are often struck with dueling perspectives; just as often, at the instance of first meeting, words are spoken but not understood by both parties. This is a problem that Jacques Cartier overcame through his gestural interaction with native peoples (Cartier, 39), a common result when two parties meet that do not speak the same language. The Innu, led in this famous instance by Donnacona from Stadacona, near Vieux Ville Quebec today, responded through similar means, speaking, though not understanding, and then coming to terms through gesturing and pointing at things and people. This led to trading trinkets, tools and baubles, which then led to sharing of food, and throughout all of this, knowledge of course was the water on which the flow of goods flowed.

Evidence of a French imaginary that prioritized the trade of goods and furs, resulted in the growth of French towns and outposts that eventually sprung up at every confluence. The largest of these Quebec City, was a function of geography and sociology that fomented allyship between the parties, both unfortunately succumbing to the military might of the British in 1759 on the Plains of Abraham, at the hands of a dying Major General James Wolfe’s forces. We can see how, in development of this intercultural marketplace, the act of cooperation greatly aided both the French and Innu during Cartier’s Second Voyage in 1536, at a time when the Natives were suffering from a cocktail of maladies and the Frenchmen suffering from scurvy. The natives and the sailors were able to first practice gestural communication, and then verbal, to work out that a native preparation of plants could resuscitate the crew. Unfortunately the Europeans returned no effective epidemiological remedies that could aid the Innu in fighting their maladies. This section of A Shorte and Briefe Narrative shows the European thought processes during the expedition.

One day our Captain [Cartier], seeing the disease so general and his men so stricken down by it, on going outside the fort to walk up and down on the ice, caught sight of a band of people approaching from Stadacona, and among them was Dom Agaya… The Captain, seeing Dom Agaya well and in good health, was delighted, hoping to learn what had healed him in order to cure his own men. …[T]he Captain inquired of him what had cured him of his sickness. Dom Agaya replied that he had been healed by the juice of the leaves of a tree and the dregs of these, and that this was the only way to cure sickness. Upon this the Captain asked him if there was not some of it thereabouts, and to show it to him… Thereupon Dom Agaya sent two women with our Captain to gather some of it; and they brought back nine or ten branches. They showed us how to grind the bark and the leaves and to boil the whole in water. Of this one should drink every two days, and place the dregs on the legs where they were swollen and affected. According to them this tree cured every kind of disease. They call it in their language Annedda.

Though the legacy of Jacques Cartier continues to work to inform those who followed his lead, there were disparities between his mapping and that of the next prominent settler in the French lineage.

While Cartier is credited with publishing the first image of a North American town, that of Hochelaga, present day Montreal, showing the two story ramparts and taking an account of the families they sheltered, the best artistically rendered cartographies of this time were crafted by the French Royal Geographer, Samuel de Champlain. This may seem like a bold statement on the face of it, when thinking of the loosely relational images that most mapmakers of the time considered representative of the conditions that existed. In contrast, Champlain was a cartographer of no small skill, and with his addition to the corpus we can see large strides in accuracy and iconographic illustrations narrating his perspective, one that was by default the official perspective of the Crown.

Through the act of “close reading” (the act of examining Champlain’s maps with an eye for information to help us ontologically), we are allowed to appreciate what the artwork or material object is, and what significance it may have. In addition to looking at what narrative the author is trying to promote, we are able to see what the author assumes we, his audience are looking for as well. Champlain displays exemplary work in these fields, with the addition of being able to relate his experiences in a literative form that is rich with accomplishment. This duality shows both artistic and academic scholarship as well as a grasp on the humanity of his audience, aligning sympathies and executed through lasting examples of non-verbal discursive material objects, those very objects that can be shown to navigate language barriers effectively 

This ability and desire to interact with the Native American peacefully allowed a prospering settlement and fur trade marketplace to be established, allowing for the fortification of the Quebec and also the sheltering of Indigenous farmers and hunters and trappers as well. He was able to learn that the myth of Saguenay was unreachable and that the settlement of Taddousaac was founded in the wrong spot for any lasting success. And he was able to navigate the river above Stadacona all the way past Hochelaga and learned that this large riverine system was neither a northern passage to India, nor easily navigable by the sailing vessels of his day to even reach the interior of the continent. All these gains were made, not because Champlain was a man of indomitable strength and belligerence, as was often the case with European explorers, but though his authentic desire to make peaceable inroads with the established communities as well as working to establish profitable links to European and Indigenous markets. It is only through the French efforts to communicate nonverbally that these gains were possible.

You may ask “but, why the focus on the French?” 

And the response is this: because they approached Exploration and the act of “discovery” as a way to inform their cultural identity and grow their civilization, not by absorbing another, but through encouraging others to join their cause in a way that implied actual discourse, as dialog where each party informed the other in a way that is mutually beneficial, broad racial stereotypes notwithstanding. And of course, there are so many biases to unpack here that is is very likely we will never know what exactly happened at the time, and almost certainly it has been shown that the French settlers were on a “Civilizing Mission”, or mission civilisatrice and it has also been shown that the “Noble Savage”, ou hommes sauvage, fallacy was well represented within their ranks, leading to internal condensation and, conversely, external aggrandizement of their own narratives that are ultimately problematic, as Olive Dickason’s The Myth of The Savage shows us.

Europeans arrived at the consensus that Amerindians were in a state of pre-civilization, or perhaps in its early, “immature” stages. The best that could be posited for them was that they were capable of becoming fully men; according to Christian doctrine, they were perfectible. Hence, the French used the verb humaniser when referring to teaching and evangelizing Amerindians. There was never any doubt as to the meaning of humaniser: it signified the transformation of savages into Europeans. (Dickason, 59)

However, through comparison of their actions to those of the murderous British or the kidnapping Portuguese, we would recognize them as being relatively moderate in their approach to settling the newly discovered continents. And it is through this mission of conversion to the Jesuit cause, and for the desire for furs, that it becomes clear that the fundamental aim of the French is for commerce, discourse, and willing, not coerced, cultural domination. Continuing where Dickason left off, Peter Goddard’s Converting The Sauvage: Jesuit And Montagnais In Seventeenth- Century New France offers this observation:

The Jesuit strategy was to instruct but most of all to reorganize traditional native life into a form which allowed for more comprehensive surveillance of nature and the elimination of customs and beliefs which hindered grace… The New Christians, a now select group living apart from the barbarizing conditions of an old culture, could be held up as exemplars of a new, disciplined kind of Christianity, a religion which allowed them to transcend sauvage conditions and alight with confidence on the path of civilization. In such a wholesale transformation of sauvage peoples lay a triumph for the militant Church: it demonstrated unequivocally that grace had powers greater than nature, and that the prescriptions offered by the Jesuits, in particular, had great efficacy. (Goddard, 237)

This passage shows that this attempt at conversion, while indeed problematic in its own right, does illustrate the condescension with which the Native peoples were viewed by the French, there is a lesser degree of the barbarous conflict that mars the encounters further to the south. Further examples exist showing how the nuance shifts when we understand the dissimilarities between the cultures making these voyages to the Americas. Between the French, British, Portuguese, and the Spanish, there are few good options when looking for benign human rights records, but if the two hemispheres meeting were truly inevitable, trying to fend off the religious advances of a partially interested France seems like the least worst choice. 

You can see this distinction illustrated through brief analysis of the differences between the English word savage, and the French version of sauvage. With the very smallest shift of the tongue, the meaning moves from the British understanding of one that is a “barbarian”, or vicious, to the French translation of one who is “of the woods” or uncivilized. Yes this is an insult of the highest order to a Parisian, but one that is correctable with time and a proper ration of the Bible; for the British, barbarity can only be met with overwhelming force.

One issue that may not be understood by modern audiences is that a definition of “savage” may have differentiation through the French interpretation of the world, and this is one way that we can see how the act of interpretation can help us navigate authorial intent as well as glimpsing the likely audience’s reaction.

A modern French definition of the word “sauvage,” that of Larousse, says that among other things it means not cultivated, tamed, or domesticated; that which frightens easily. Applied to man, it denotes a person who lives away from society, beyond the pale of its laws, without fixed abode; by analogy, one who is rude and fierce. Larousse introduces such definitions with the statement that in ancient French the adjective “salvage” or “sauvage” simply signified the forest habitat, and was a synonym for the Latin sylvaticus. (Dickason, 63)

It is through this understanding, as well as seeing how the Latin root word also contains the derivative sylvan and its pastoral connotations, we can see a perspective that may have resembled that of a Roman’s, as they first encountered the pagans of the British Isles, though how deep that comparison runs is unclear. But we can see how advanced cultures usually thought so highly of themselves they would always carry this sense of superiority with them on expeditions, perhaps in a way that is familiar to our hypernationalistic perspective of today’s modern American consciousness.

Marc Lescarbot was accomplished French playwright and lawyer, and if we look at his work closely his etic perspective is well represented throughout. When we look towards the British, the primary aggressors in the New England region, we can see through their naming conventions reflected colonial aspirations; their written record starts to shift with them at the helm of land possession. It is through these recorded interactions that we can see the stated intentions of Europeans, but what of the Native Americans? How are their memories of the events transcribed, in what media are their recollections recorded for posterity? Both oral and literative sources have the records showing that these patterns of recordkeeping are well vetted and thoroughly guided to allow for the voice of one presenter to speak for the collective, in a way that we have seen the likes of Shakespeare and Dante achieve. If we can also show that there are accompanying patterns and rhythms in their oral recitations, often set to flutes and drums to aid the mnemonic retention of the lessons, then we can show the utility of inclusion, on not just the Europeans, but of the Indigenous too. With these methods there is every bit as much scholarship in creating recordkeepers as there is in creating Western academics, and though there is a necessary amount of fiction that is inherent here in recitations, it still nonetheless represents the perspective of the culture that produced the artistic performance, and there is an effective mechanism to shift the power dynamic in the analysis as well. Pratt continues with this: 

Autoethnography, transculturation, critique, collaboration, bilingualism, mediation, parody, denunciation, imaginary dialogue, vernacular expression these are some of the literate arts of the contact zone. Miscomprehension, incomprehension, dead letters, unread masterpieces, absolute heterogeneity of meaning these are some of the perils of writing in the contact zone. (Pratt, 37)

These syntheses allow for a better, more complete understanding of how these cultures interacted. Whether Lescarbot is considered a mapmaker or cartographer is not as consequential as understanding the effect that allowing indigenous cartography into the conversation will cause. 

Through Lescarbot’s works, consisting of plays, poetry, and prose, we are allowed into the mindset of the settler, and even though the work is a fiction we can better understand both the author and audience. Following this further, we can see that in addition to the fictive, and the ease with which we can access the written versions of his works, they are performative, gestural, and most fundamentally, oral. In the exact same way the Indigenous have been performing their histories each generation for the next in a way that is every bit as valid as that of the Frenchman’s.

For this example we can examine the Almouchiqouis, an diasporic band of “middle” Abenaki that have since been absorbed into the populations of first the Ossipee and Pequawket, and then subsequently into the St. Francis Band of Abenaki at Odanak. Through a Lescarbot poem, The Defeat of the Almouchiquois, published in his History of New France, in 1609, we can see how the performative art that is music or theater or poetry can be used by both Native Americans and Europeans alike to relay historical events. With The Defeat of the Almouchiquois, there are direct representations of historical places, people and events that speak to the way that the Almouchiquois existed in a way that would have been more specific than those identifiers that Champlain outlined in his 1607 map of Lower Canada; both are relevant, it is not a question of the binary “or”, but more of a question of the inclusive “and”. With the addition of both accounts into the historical record we build our knowledge exponentially.

With their close proximity to the “bullseye” of the French and British landing zone on the Saco Bay, in what we now call Maine, the Almouchiquois were one of the first peoples impacted by this influx of settlers. While they suffered heavily in the wave of disease that swept the tribes in 1609 and have been permanently displaced from their home on the Saco river since the mid 18th century. Because the possibility for existing records shrinks with every intervening year, from then on if we want to know their plight we may have to look toward the account of the poet and author. In The History of New France, published in 1609 along with informative volumes, excellent maps and purportedly the first play performed in North America, Théâtre de Neptune (Lescarbot, 471), we can read about the plight of the Choucoet tribe, but we could equally understand it if it were read to us or performed in song, accompanied by dance, as are the methods for Indigenous mapping. Yes, Lescarbot was an Imperialist Male Catholic settler, writing the narrative as the outsider author, with a biased perspective almost certainly, there was a well of the sympathetic in him that shows both us and the audience, what he supposes out motives are, and displayed within it the evidence that he possess a favorable view on cultural integration with the Eastern Wabanaki and Innu of the Maritime Peninsula.

Similarly, there are clues to the Mi’kmaq intentions through the representation of Lescarbot’s epic,

What then will Membertou not be right

For the excess done to his own and even to his house?

Will I never see this race extinguished

Whose ruin pursues me and mine?

No, no, we must not suffer this insult.

Children, it is at this blow that it is fitting for us to die,

Or else by our arms to send ten thousand souls

Of this cursed race to the eternal flames.

We have near us the French the support

To whom these dogs here have done the same wrong.

This is resolved, it is necessary that the countryside

In the blood of these murderers in a short time bathe.

We can follow along with the European authors account of the battle between Membertou of the Mi'kmaq and the Almouchiquois, the “Dog People”, as they were derogatorily called by their adversaries. To acknowledge the impact of the words here in a way that both justifies the concepts of the literative among us and accepts that the nonverbal cues inherent to humanness are valid too, allows us to finally glimpse the utility of the allowance. As this Indigenous conflict plays out through the evolution of the poem there are clues as to how the true fate of the tribe will be met in actuality,

We will therefore go by sea only half;

The surplus in two parts will go secretly

Hanging along the wood as a good sentinel

Until, when the time comes, my trumpet calls them:

Then they will come to charge, and will support us,

And as long as the day lasts they will strike

Without mercy, without favor, and without pity,

So that here we will remember us for a long time.

Besides our quarrel there is booty,

They have wheat, nuts, vines, and flax,

All these goods are ours if we have courage,

And if we want to have their women for pillage

We will have them too.

While the tiringly familiar themes of pillage, rape and conquest displayed here are echoed often throughout historical  literature, there are clues to the agricultural methods and climate of the tribe on offer as well. In addition, this work also shows Indigenous techniques of warfare and subterfuge reflected as well, this represented a notable difference from the way that war was practiced by the Europeans at the time. All from a short passage.

They were most of them already armed with knives

which they are accustomed to wearing around their necks,

but these weapons were of little use to them at the time.

For Membertou, equipped with a more secure armour,

With a shield of hard wood, and a good cutlass,

As the trenchant of a scythe brings down

The honour of fine swords: his sword of the same

Reaped the enemy with extreme rigour.

If we practice close reading often enough, we will soon fill any want for knowledge that may reside within us. A last example should fill our quotient.

This people from all time addicted to pillage

Thinking to have such an advantage over Membertou,

That weapons for this hour they did not need,

Nevertheless in any case they had taken care

To make a storehouse at the bottom of a valley,

Where the fleeing troop finally went.

There each one provided himself with bows, arrows, and quivers,

With pikes, shields, and wooden maces.

He had to turn his face, and with an angry face

Charge at Membertou and his people intoxicated

With the blood of Armouchiquois. 

With the disquieting representation, we are shown that the tribe would suffer a crushing victory at the hands of the competing Mi’kmaq, and between this event and the molestations of the British and the waves of plagues washing over them, the Almouchiquois wouldn’t last the century, this poem can be evidenced to predict the vanishing.

In fact, it is through this duality wherein the benefits can be compounded; even though the written word has a lasting quality that is hard to replicate, giving meaning throughout its existence not merely at the utterance of a statement (its lifespan far longer than its author’s), it is through this combination of modalities that the built world exists. Not merely in one singularity but in a multiplicity of thought, each understanding building upon the previous and buttressing the next.

Although fundamentally problematic, the French presence on the Maritime Peninsula fostered a symbiotic relationship with the many parties benefiting. That alliances between French and the Mi'kmaq, the Innu and others thrived briefly was a hopeful opportunity. These relationships, though still disproportionate as is often the case in examples that reflect the disparity in technological abilities, were mutually beneficial for the parties. In fact, without the British’s penchant for violence and misdealings there may have been tenable understanding between the Europeans and the Indigenous people that could have resulted in a different outcome.

This ability to share narratives allowed the flourishing of economic trade, the buying of pelts and furs, this economy allowed the Native Americans, the Innu and the Mi’kmaq amongst others, to continue to practice their established methods of hunting and trapping; finding sustenance in this harsh landscape in a manner that propelled their human dignity was no easy feat. The subsequent peace created a space for trade to flourish and allowed for the exchange of medical and technical knowledges. In addition to expanding foodways, and eventually learning the languages, knowledges, stories, this allowed discourse to be truly shared between the parties. It thus fostered new connections and supported the new arrivals, at first necessary for survival and then through the growth of both economies and integrated communities, allowing human dignity to thrive as well. 

Again we can turn to Pratt for insight into how to proceed from here,

We are looking for the pedagogical arts of the contact zone. These will include, we are sure, exercises in storytelling and in identifying with the ideas, interests, histories, and attitudes of others; experiments in transculturation and collaborative work and in the arts of critique, parody, and comparison (including unseemly comparisons between elite and vernacular cultural forms); the redemption of the oral; ways for people to engage with suppressed aspects of history (including their own histories), ways to move into and out of rhetorics of authenticity; ground rules for communication across lines of difference and hierarchy that go beyond politeness but maintain mutual respect; a systematic approach to the all important concept of cultural mediation. (Pratt, 39)

Although the French possess a collective imaginary that is beset with ego and conceit (it is the French we are talking about after all!), if we follow the them throughout the Nouveau Monde, the New World, we will eventually see that this collective disposition will act as a balancing force in the region for centuries, both supporting and supported by their native allies through the ability to craft authentic discourse.

Here are a few examples of the methods that Indigenous use for preserving the historical record. Please share wide and far!

“Abenaki Greeting Song.” YouTube, uploaded by Abenaki, 9 Sept. 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wsi7AD5CaYM&t=4s, Accessed 1. Dec. 2024.

“Abenaki Honor Song.” YouTube, uploaded by Abenaki, 26 Jan. 2021,  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EFTyCWDIKrE , 1 Dec. 2024.

“Abenaki Teaching Song.” YouTube, uploaded by Abenaki, 14 Dec. 2020,  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BnD9JtizEtE , Accessed 1 Dec. 2024.

Cartier, Jacques. A shorte and briefe narration of the two navigations and discoveries to the northweast partes called Newe France: first translated out of French into Italian, by that famous learned man Gio: Bapt: Ramutius, and now turned into English by John Florio; worthy the reading of all venturers, travellers, and discoverers. E-book, H. Bynneman, London, England, 1580.  https://archive.org/details/cihm_95136/page/n43/mode/2up .  Accessed 9 Dec. 2024.

Cartier, Jacques. “A Short and Briefe Narration of the Two Navigations and Discourses (1580),” translated by Jean Florio. Travel Narratives from the Age of Discovery: An Anthology, edited by Peter Mancall, Oxford University Press, 2006, pp. 233-239.

Cartier, Jacques. “Jacques Cartier’s Second Voyage to the St. Lawrence River and Interior of ‘Canada,’ 1535-1536: Map of Hochelaga,” from National Humanities Center,  https://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/pds/amerbegin/exploration/text2/cartier.pdf . Accessed 7 Dec. 2024.

Champlain, Samuel de. The Works of Samuel de Champlain. E-book, edited by H. P. Biggar, Champlain Society, 1922.  https://archive.org/details/worksofsamueldec06chamuoft .

Champlain, Samuel de. “Le Canada faict par le Sr. de Champlain, ou sont, la Nouvelle France la Nouvelle Angleterre la Nouvelle Holande, la Nouvelle Svede la Virginie &c. Avec les Nations voisines et autres Terres nouuellement decouuertes Suivant les Memoires de P. du Val, Geographe du Roy A Paris en l'Isle du Palais sur le grand cours de l'Eau Avec Priuilege.” Osher Map Library, 1653,  https://oshermaps.org/browse-maps?id=107419#?c=&m=&cv=&xywh=-2329%2C0%2C13329%2C6561 . Accessed 14 Dec. 2024.

Dickason, Olive P. The Myth of the Savage And the Beginnings of French Colonialism in the Americas. E-book, The University of Alberta Press, Edmonton, Alberta, 1997.  https://archive.org/details/mythofsavagebegi00dick/mode/2up . Accessed 13 Dec. 2024.

Goddard, Peter A. “Converting The Sauvage: Jesuit And Montagnais In Seventeenth-Century New France.” The Catholic Historical Review, Vol. 84, No. 2 (Apr., 1998), pp. 219-239,  https://www.jstor.org/stable/25025209 . Accessed 14 Dec. 2024.

Lescarbot, Marc.“Figure de la Terre Neuve, Grande Riviere de Canada, et cotes de l'ocean en la Nouvelle France, 1612.” 1612.  https://oshermaps.org/browse-maps?id=70687 , Barcode: 7359.

“Marc Lescarbot arrives in New France”. Youtube, Uploaded by Salud Canada, 22 Feb. 2018,  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nSowqs1t1vI&t=2s , Accessed 07 Dec. 2024.

Pratt, Mary Louise. “Arts of the Contact Zone.” Profession, 1991, pp. 33-40.  http://www.jstor.org/stable/25595469 . Accessed 03 Nov. 2024.

“Samuel de Champlain and the Founding of Quebec City.” YouTube, uploaded by Historica Canada, 20, Feb. 2020,  https://youtu.be/5JbmGhS84WM?si=UkVRXuBMeV1XQmPr  

Shakespeare, William. As You Like It. E-book, Doubleday, Page & Company, 1912,  https://archive.org/details/asyoulikeit04shak/page/80/mode/2up?view=theater . Accessed 15 Dec. 2024.