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We Celebrate Asian and Pacific Islander Texans

Every Texan recognizes and applauds the valuable contributions of Asian and Pacific Islander Texans.

Unidentified Asian Americans at the Texas State Capitol in 1936.

Asian and Pacific Islander People Have Lived in Texas for over 150+ Years

Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) Texans strengthen our state's collective identity and contribute significantly to our infrastructure, economy, communities, and politics. This story map will walk through some of the past and present data we have about AAPI Texans, and discuss the importance of disaggregating data by detailed race and ethnicity.

Historical Context

Trends in AAPI Texans over time reveal how their history has been influenced by globalization, the state's workforce needs, and immigration policy. In 1870, the first Asian people to immigrate to Texas were Chinese, followed by the first Japanese immigrants in 1890. This story, as with many aspects of Texas’ history, is  complicated and shaped  by racist policies. By understanding and acknowledging our past, we can work towards a future that ensures rights and opportunities for all Texans.

Pictured: The Wong Family poses in front of the University of Texas Tower in 1943
Pictured: The Wong Family poses in front of the University of Texas Tower in 1943

The First Chinese Texans

In 1870, the first Chinese people arrived in Texas as workers on the Southern Pacific Railroad. America passed the  Chinese Exclusion Act  12 years later, which prohibited Chinese immigrants from coming to the country out of fear that immigrants were impacting American workforce opportunities – a false sentiment that still persists  despite contradictory evidence . However, some Chinese immigrants were allowed to come to Texas through General Pershing's enlistment of Chinese soldiers in 1916. By 1920, the Chinese population of Texas was 773, many of whom settled in  El Paso .

The First Japanese Texans

An increasing number of Japanese immigrants arrived in Texas around 1900 after being told that  rice farmers  would be particularly welcome in the state. Unfortunately, this turned out to not be the case; growing anxiety about foreign investment in farmland caused both Texas and California to adopt " alien land laws " to prevent Japanese residents from owning land. The Texas Legislature adopted this law in 1921, and it bears a striking resemblance to  recent legislative attempts  aimed at preventing Asian residents from investing in property in the state. Not only were Japanese Texans denied the right to own property, but 20 years later hundreds of families were illegally targeted through confidential  census responses . Japanese Texans were forcibly evicted from their homes, and many were held in three internment camps across the state.

The First Filipino Texans

Filipino Texans have largely immigrated to the state through their connection to  U.S. military servicemen . The need for workers on naval ships led to the passage of the Johnson-Reed Act in 1924, making Filipino immigrants the only Asian group with clearance to immigrate to the country amid strict immigrant caps. In the 1950s, the  pace of Filipino immigration  increased as more Filipino men enlisted in the military with the hopes of providing better economic opportunity for their families. Many Filipinos settled in San Antonio, largely due to the city's connection to the military.

The Impact of Immigration Reform

America passed the Immigration and Nationality Act in 1965, which allowed for increased immigration to the country and a much-needed increase in the U.S. workforce. Following this legislation, the U.S. and Texas saw a major immigration influx from all parts of Asia. Between 1960 and 1970, the AAPI population of Texas more than doubled (so large that we had to change our scale for the chart on the right).

The number of AAPI Texans has grown five-fold since 1990. While Chinese and Japanese immigrants were the first to come to the state at the end of the 19th century, today the majority of AAPI Texans are Indian or Vietnamese.

Future Growth

AAPI Texans are the fastest growing ethnic group in the state, and their share of the population is expected to grow. According to  projections , the AAPI population is expected to reach roughly 12% of the total Texas population by 2050. Overall, Texas has one of the  fastest-growing AAPI populations  in the country.

Where Do Asian and Pacific Islander Texans Live?

The following maps explore more about the geography of this population. Though we will walk you through some main points, you may interact with the maps, click on different geographies for more details, and zoom around to areas that interest you.

AAPI Texans primarily live near our major metropolitan areas.

Click on each of the counties to see a more detailed breakdown of the AAPI population.

Source: 2022 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Tables  B02015  and  B02016 

The counties with the largest number of AAPI people are:

  • Harris (391,746)
  • Collin (204,667)
  • Dallas (202,259)
  • Fort Bend (192,791)
  • Tarrant (152,042)

The counties with the highest percentage of AAPI people are:

  • Fort Bend (23%)
  • Collin (19%)
  • Denton (12%)
  • Williamson (11%)
  • Travis (9%)

Let's zoom in on Houston, Dallas, Austin, and San Antonio to see more details of the AAPI population.

Source: 2022 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, Tables  B02015  and  B02016 

The Houston metro area has the highest percentage of AAPI population at 8.1%, and the region is home to 38% of the state's AAPI population (577,800 residents). This map shows where the major ethnic groups of Houston are located in the region. The AAPI population is concentrated most densely on the southwest side of the city, with the Chinese residents (17% of the metro's AAPI population) residing closest to downtown. Further west near Bellaire Boulevard is a cluster of Vietnamese residents (24% of the metro's AAPI population). Further west into Fort Bend County is a cluster of Indian residents (26% of the metro’s AAPI population) near Sugar Land. Fort Bend County has the highest percent of AAPI residents in the state at 23%.

While Houston has the highest percent of AAPI residents, the Dallas-Fort Worth metro area has the largest number of AAPI population at 590,400 (7.1% of the population). The largest share of AAPI residents of DFW are Indian (38%), followed by Vietnamese (16%) and Chinese (11%). Of all the four largest metro areas, DFW also has the highest number of Nepalese residents at over 18,600 (four times the Nepalese population of Houston). Most of the Indian population lives on the northern part of the metro area, with the Vietnamese population in Garland and Arlington. In Collin County 19% of the total population is AAPI, the second highest share in the state after Fort Bend County.

The Austin Metro Area is 6.5% AAPI with 150,100 residents, the majority of whom are Indian (39%) followed by Chinese (16%) and Vietnamese (12%). Similar to Dallas, the AAPI population is primarily to the north of the metro area with most of the Indian population living near Cedar Park, the Vietnamese population near Pflugerville, and the Chinese population in central Austin.

While San Antonio only has 2.8% AAPI population (71,600 residents), the metro area has the highest concentration of Filipinos in the state at 21% of the AAPI community. Indian residents are still the majority of the AAPI population at 25%, but are followed closely by Filipino residents at 21%. The highest concentrations of AAPI residents are near San Antonio's Medical Center in the northwest portion of the area, with smaller populations living throughout the region but primarily north of town.

AAPI Texans Are Diverse

Texas is home to over 1.5 million people who are Asian (one race) and about 27,000 people who are Pacific Islander (one race), together making up 5% of the state’s total population. An additional 274,000 people are Asian in combination with another race, and an additional 42,000 people are Pacific Islander in combination with another race. In total, that’s almost 1.9 million AAPI Texans who make up 6% of the Texas population.

Asian Indian people make up the largest share of Asian Texans at 32% (about 479,000 people). Vietnamese people make up 19%, and Chinese people (excluding Taiwanese people) make up 14% of all Asian people in Texas.*

Chamorro and Native Hawaiian people make up the largest shares of Pacific Islander Texans, at 27% and 26%, respectively. Samoan people make up 15% of all Pacific Islander people in Texas.**

Over half of Asian Texans were born outside the United States.

Additionally, 23% of Asian Texans and 7% of Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander Texans are not citizens. That’s almost 500,000 Asian Texans who are not citizens.

Of all Texans who are not citizens, 17% were born in Asia.

The median age of Asian Texans is 36.5, which is close to Texas' overall median age of 35.2.   The median age of Pacific Islander Texans is slightly lower at 32.9. Additionally, 5% of Texas children under 18 are AAPI.

While Spanish is by far the most commonly spoken language in Texas after English (7.8 million Texans live in households that speak Spanish at home), Texans speak many Asian languages too.

In Texas, about 230,000 people live in households where Vietnamese is spoken, and about 122,000 people live in households where Chinese is spoken. These are the third and fourth most common languages spoken at home by Texans, after Spanish and English.

Overall, 841,000 Texans aged five and older speak an Asian or Pacific Island language, 41% of whom do not speak English very well. Of the 111,000 children aged 5-17 who speak an Asian or Pacific Island language, 22% do not speak English very well.

AAPI Texans Are Civically Engaged and Care About Their Communities.

According to a  new report  from Asian Texans for Justice, AAPI Texans care about many issues, including cost of living, healthcare, and safety protections.

"Public safety - especially as a result of the uptick in violence against AAPI community in recent years post-COVID…"

Unspecified AAPI Texan (quote from Deep in the Heart of Asian Texas Part 2: Voices of AAPI Voters, September 2024)

The report also found that many AAPI Texans want more legal protections and community support to combat issues of hate crimes and racial discrimination.

"Mainly just DEI [diversity, equity, and inclusion] initiatives in the work space has had the biggest effect, as well as limiting resources on school campus."

Female AAPI Texan, age 18-34 (quote from Deep in the Heart of Asian Texas Part 2: Voices of AAPI Voters, September 2024)

Additionally, AAPI Texans want to see more AAPI representation in government.

"Asian Americans are hardly a blip on the TX government's radar/voting block so it doesn't seem like their interests are considered much."

Male AAPI Texan, age 18-34 (quote from Deep in the Heart of Asian Texas Part 2: Voices of AAPI Voters, September 2024)

[There is a] lack of representation of the AAPI community in the government or any higher positions in power.

Female AAPI Texan, age 18-34 (quote from Deep in the Heart of Asian Texas Part 2: Voices of AAPI Voters, September 2024)

"[We have a] lack of voices in offices where legislation can be changed."

Male AAPI Texan, age 50-64 (quote from Deep in the Heart of Asian Texas Part 2: Voices of AAPI Voters, September 2024)

It is crucial that Texas lawmakers and community leaders prioritize issues impacting AAPI Texans. Learn more about AAPI voters and what issues they care about  from Asian Texans for Justice here .

AAPI Texans Enrich Texas' Economy, yet Still Face Financial Barriers.

AAPI Texans bring unique skills, talents, and perspectives that drive economic growth and foster innovation. In 2021, there were an estimated 62,350 Asian-owned businesses in Texas, making up 14% of all employer-firms in the state. Asian-owned businesses in Texas employed 539,680 people and paid out $20.7 billion in 2021.

From technology to health care and education to entrepreneurship, AAPI Texans are employed in a variety of industries and occupations.

AAPI Texans are not a monolith, and their experiences vary based on the intersectionality of identities. While AAPI Texans help support the Texas economy, many experience economic barriers.

Two out of every five (61%) Asian Texans have obtained a bachelor's degree or higher, which is higher than the educational attainment rate of white, non-Hispanic Texans. In contrast, only one out of four (25%) Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander Texans have obtained a bachelor's degree or higher.

Of AAPI Texans 25 years and over with a bachelor's degree or higher attainment, over half (53%) obtained their bachelor's degree in a science or engineering field. An additional 12% obtained their bachelor's degree in a field related to science or engineering. Comparatively, about one-third (36%) of all Texans 25 years and over with a bachelor's degree or higher attainment, regardless of race or ethnicity, obtained their bachelor's degree in a science or engineering field.

Echoing the types of degrees that AAPI Texans are likely to hold, both Asian men and women in Texas are more likely to be employed in management, business, science, and arts occupations at a slightly higher rate than white Texans. They are also less likely to be employed in service sector occupations. In contrast, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander Texans are more likely to work in service occupations than Black or Hispanic Texans. This points to the importance of data disaggregation.

If we look at aggregate earnings for the AAPI population, both men and women AAPI Texans make more on average than other racial and ethnic groups in the state. This is likely due to their participation in high-paying industries and high education levels.

 

Although Asian Texans earn more than other racial/ethnic groups on average, disparities become clear when we disaggregate by more detailed ethnic groups within the population. On average, the Indian, Taiwanese, Chinese, and Japanese populations earn more  than other AAPI groups, while the Burmese, Chamorro, and other Pacific Islander ethnicities earn less.

In Texas, 9% of Asian and 18% of Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander people experience poverty.

When grouped together, Asian Texans experience poverty at lower rates than  all other racial/ethnic groups (19% of Hispanic and Black Texans are living in poverty), with exception to non-Hispanic White Texans (8%). However, when we disaggregate the data, we find that economic well-being outcomes are different depending on a person’s ethnicity.

Many ethnic groups, including Burmese, Thai, and Bangladeshi Texans, experience higher rates of poverty than the overall average for Asian Texans. In fact, Burmese Texans experience poverty at a rate twice as high as the overall average.

Data Disaggregation Is an Equity Issue

If this data brief feels extremely detailed and complex, that's because it reflects Texas’ diverse population. Examining disparities by detailed race and ethnicity allows us to better understand nuances within different populations across the state.

 At Every Texan, we believe access to disaggregated data is an equity issue; state and federal agencies must do better when it comes to data disaggregation. While there are more than  50 detailed race/ethnicity groups  within the AAPI community, the U.S. Census Bureau only reports annual data on 22 distinct self-identified AAPI groups. The Census is currently the most comprehensive source for disaggregated data for AAPI communities. However,  most other national surveys disaggregate by only six categories : Asian Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, and Vietnamese. Many surveys also combine all the Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander categories into one group.

In March 2024, the  federal government  announced plans to expand the minimum reporting categories by requiring a Middle Eastern and North African category, as well as a Hispanic/Latino combined category of race and ethnicity. The plans also include making detailed reporting categories – such as Vietnamese, Samoan, Haitian, and Cherokee – a requirement for federal agency data collections.

While this is a step in a positive direction, there is more to improve. According to the  Urban Institute , there are several ways that agencies and organizations can better disaggregate data on AAPI people:

  • Researchers can use tools such as imputation to account for missing data. Though, it is important to ensure that individuals’ privacy is protected and that researchers are not causing more harm. Learn more about data ethics  here .
  • Communities should be included in data collection processes. It is important to collect input from and involve communities when developing data collection methods and research tools.
  • Government agencies should collaborate with state agencies to identify data gaps and develop better policies. Additionally, private companies can make data publicly available.

You can learn more about how data disaggregation is tied to equity from organizations such as  AAPI Data and   Asian & Pacific Islander American Health Forum , which advocate for better data disaggregation for AAPI people. Other organizations in the fight for improved data disaggregation include the  National Network for Arab American Communities (NNAAC)  and  National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) Policy Research Center .

Without disaggregating data by detailed race and ethnicity, we are less likely to understand disparities occurring nationally and statewide. The American Community Survey is the primary source for the demographic information in this data brief, as it provides a wealth of detailed statistics at small geographies. As an organization, Every Texan is committed to disaggregating data as often as we can in an effort to better understand the trends occurring in the state. While the aggregated data might tend to show that Asian Texans are better off than Black or Hispanic Texans, the disaggregated data show more nuanced trends. 

Note on Data Collection, Survey Instruments, and Inclusion: 

Data collection efforts across many survey instruments have yet to fully address the need to include the diverse identities of Texans. Therefore, the demographic breakdown provided in this StoryMap primarily reflects binary, cisgender sex-disaggregation of data. Such binary focus excludes important information about transgender and gender nonconforming populations. The categories of race and ethnicity utilized also do not adequately reflect the multiracial and multiethnic population of Texas. The way that many primary sources for data collect racial and ethnic data must evolve to be more inclusive and representative of the geographic, social, and cultural dimensions that define the concepts. For more information, contact  data@everytexan.org .

*"Total Asian" population includes people who reported Asian only, regardless of whether they reported one or more detailed Asian groups. “Other Asian, specified” includes respondents who provided a response of another Asian group not shown separately, such as Malay or Tai Dam. “Other Asian, not specified” includes respondents who checked the "Other Asian" response category on the ACS questionnaire and did not write in a specific group or wrote in a generic term such as "Asian," or "Asiatic." “Two or more Asian Ethnicities” includes respondents who provided multiple Asian responses such as Asian Indian and Japanese; or Vietnamese, Chinese and Hmong.

**"Total Pacific Islander" Population includes people who reported Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander only, regardless of whether they reported one or more detailed Pacific Islander groups. Other Polynesian includes respondents who provide a response of another Polynesian group, such as Tahitian, Tokelauan, or wrote in a generic term such as "Polynesian." Other Micronesian includes respondents who provide a response of another Micronesian group, such as Carolinian, I-Kiribati, Kosraean, Mariana Islander, Palauan, Pohnpeian, Saipanese, Yapese, or wrote in a generic term such as "Micronesian." Other Melanesian includes respondents who provide a response of another Melanesian group, such as Papua New Guinean, Ni-Vanuatu (New Hebrides Islander), Solomon Islander, or wrote in a generic term such as "Melanesian." Other Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander, not specified includes respondents who checked the Other Pacific Islander response category on the ACS questionnaire and did not write in a specific group or wrote in a generic term such as "Pacific Islander." Two or more Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander includes respondents who provide multiple Pacific Islander responses such as Native Hawaiian and Chamorro; or Tokelauan and Tongan.