Structure and Evolution of the Asante Empire

In the intricate relationship between time and memory, historical maps offer us fragments of the past, giving us a glimpse into the complex tapestry of human endeavor. The contention of this project is to explore the cartography of Asante expansion and territories in the Gold Coast from 1700 to 1900 through available maps. The above map by Thomas Astley does not fully represent the entire territory of Gold Coast and Asante in particular. For example, the indistinct lines and uncertain dating of this chosen cartographic artifact posed a significant challenge, similar to deciphering a faded manuscript written in the whispers of ages past. In the map, some territories of the Gold Coast, such as the kingdom of Dagbon and Gonja in the northern part of the Gold Coast that had a long history between 14th and 16th centuries before the emergence of the Asante empire were not captured. René Baesjou (1988) in his study of colonial maps in Cameroon in West Africa, confirms that an important village called "Ambababoum" was shown on the official map of Cameroon before independence, but it never existed. He found that some maps mention non-existent people while omitting real ones. These Colonial maps, to some extent, do not instill much confidence as a reliable source of information about Africa's past.

It is a well-known fact in the history of Gold Coast that the Asante Empire once thrived and made a significant impact on history. However, the map by Thomas Astley is incomplete and does not depict all the territories of Gold Coast and Asante, causing the story to be fragmented and lacking in its entirety. In 1817, T. E. Bowdich, and Dupius were sent to Kumasi, the capital of Asante by colonial officials made the first serious attempt to accurately represent the extent of Greater Asante on paper and to locate what they referred to as the "boundary of Ashantee authority". The account by both Bowdich and Dupius will be analyzed by maps to show the extent of Asante influence in the Gold Coast between 1700-1900. It should be pointed out that the colonial masters especially the British write the name of Asante as either "Ashantee, Ashante or Ashanti". But the correct pronunciation is "Asante". As I examine Astley's map very carefully, I come to the conclusion that historical accounts are not restricted by strict borders, but are rather influenced by the complex interplay of power, culture, and the mysterious forces of time. The absent territories on the map provided by symbolize the untold stories - active and lively that are concealed beneath the surface of colonial imprints.

My focus goes beyond what can be seen in this blurry artifact by using a multidimensional approach, and I aim to reveal the hidden areas and provide a more detailed understanding of Asante's influence on the Gold Coast. This project interrogates questions like: how large was the Asante Empire between 1700-1900? what is the role of cartography in deconstructing the territories of Asante? As I unravel the complexities of Asante expansion, my goal is not only to fill in the gaps but also to illuminate the shadows that history has cast upon the Gold Coast.

The adventure begins where the map falters, and history beckons us to uncover its hidden gems amid blurred boundaries and missing dates. To achieve this, the project looks at the relationship between Asante and its neighbors, especially after the defeat of Denkyira in the Feyiase war in 1700-1 (one of the Akan states that flourished in the 16th century before they were later defeated by the Asante in 1701) which serves as the turning point of the expansion of Asante. It also examines the second phase of Asante territorial expansion using maps to support my arguments and Asante's relation with the British. This will inform the reader to understand where Asante territories began and where they ended before their encounter with the British.

I indicated in the introduction that European maps did not fully show all the territories of Asante in 1700 creating a gap in the geographical history of Asante in the mid 1700s. Snelgrave William's map of Africa is an example of how European cartographers imagined the territories of Asante. Though the map is specifically for West Africa which captures countries such as Guinea Bissau, Gabon and Gold Coast. The map also captures some important kingdoms such as Bito, Gago and Asante that flourished in the 17th century. in the first place the name of Asante was wrongly spelt. In the map, the Asante is spelled as "Asiante". The map is silent about territories conquered by the Asante making it look as if the Asante is just a town or city on the Gold Coast. In Asante's history, this was the time when Asante expanded to the coastal and Northern Territories under Obiri Yeboah who was the second ruler of Asante. For example, Coastal areas such as Aowin, Elmina and Fante came under the influence of Asante. Again, the Northern territories such as Dagomba and Gonja lands became part of the Asante empire after it was conquered by the Asantes in the 1740s. This clearly shows how European cartographers perceived the territories of Asante which also means that the map failed to reveal the outstanding territories conquered by the Asantes in the middle of the 1700s.

Though the focus of this section was to point out some of the silences of maps of European cartographers on the Asante territories of the Gold Coast. It is also important to show the inconsistencies in the spelling of the Asante. for example, Asante was spelled as "Afiante". There are missing territories of Asante. What William's map fails to show about the territories of Asante such as silencing the areas of Asante is not different from what is seen in this map making it clear about the European perception of the Asante territories.

This inconsistency of European maps is not limited to only the Gold Coast or Asante but also the entire Africa. for example, Emmanuel's new map shows Northern and some parts of Africa as the whole of the continent. The interior part of Africa was not captured. These inconsistencies of European maps have remained in the history of Africa and Asante in particular up till today. In the next sections, I examined the rise and fall of Asante through maps up to 1900.

In the past, the Asantehene Obiri Yeboa from the Oyoko clan was the first Kumasehene (Asante chief) to use diplomacy to integrate other Akan people into his family. This allowed him to relocate his capital from Denkyira territories to what is now Kumasi. Other reliable sources including the works of McCaskie (2014) attribute the success of Asante empire to Osei Tutu I. According to McCaskie Osei Tutu's mother was infertile for many years, and her brother Obiri Yeboah consulted a shrine called '"Otutu" to help her conceive. She later gave birth to a son whom she named after the deity as a sign of gratitude. The Akans followed a matrilineal system of inheritance, which meant that Osei Tutu automatically became the heir to the Asante throne. Osei Tutu visited Denkyira as part of the tradition of subordinate kings to avoid rebellion. During his stay, he was treated with respect and spent a lot of time with the elders, learning about the customs and traditions of the Denkyira court, particularly their military organization.

While at the Denkyira court, Osei Tutu became involved with Princess "Akobena Abensua", the sister of the Denkyira King, resulting in her pregnancy. According to tradition, Abenasua would not be punished, but Osei Tutu faced execution for breaking the taboo. He was then advised to flee to a nearby town called Akwamu, one of the Akan states located to the furthest east. This action caused harm to his people because the Asantes were still under the rule of the Denkyira people. Once in Akwamu, he sought refuge in a shrine belonging to a priest called Sasraku and asked for protection against the people of Denkyira. During his stay in Akwamu, Osei Tutu took the opportunity to learn about their military strategy and political organization. The difference between the political organization of Denkyira and Akwamu was that while the former was non-centralized, the latter had a centralized and well-structured political system. This influenced the future reforms of Osei Tutu when he became the king of Asante.

Osei Tutu once met a priest named Okomfo Anokye in Akwamu and they became friends after Osei Tutu intervened to save Okomfo Anokye from a murder charge. When Osei Tutu became the king of Asante, Okomfo Anokye displayed his spiritual power. A few years later, after the death of Obiri Yeboah, Osei Tutu was declared the next king of Asante. After becoming the king of Asante, one of the major issues he had to deal with was the Denkyira question.

After ascending to the throne, Osei Tutu's primary objective was to unite all the Akan chiefs. The main agenda was to determine which paramount chief would be greater than the others. Okomfo Anokye, the chief priest, suggested that the problem be resolved through prayer to the ancestors and gods. Anokye stated that the ancestors would send a magical stool from the sky, and the chief whose stool rested on his lap would be chosen as the paramount chief. On the appointment day, the chiefs gathered with the hope of being chosen as the paramount chief. The chief priest, Okomfo Anokye, performed his magical dance while the drummers played different choruses. He poured libation and chanted at the same time. A golden stool descended slowly from the sky, turning as it fell. It eventually came to rest on Osei Tutu's lap, and he was declared the King of Asante. All the chiefs took an oath of allegiance to the newly crowned king of Asanteman and pledged never to wage war against the golden stool.

After Osei Tutu became the paramount chief of the Asante empire, the question of how to free the Asante state from the dominance of Denkyira and their annual tribute (which included slaves, gold and other precious ornaments) remained unanswered. The tradition of paying tribute continued even after Osei Tutu became the king of Asante for many years. However, the situation became unbearable when the King of Denkyira demanded even higher payments from the Asantes and their vassal states. The King of Denkyira sent his ambassadors to Asante and made unusual demands, including the dissolution of the union and the demand for the golden stool.

A Osei Tutu became the paramount chief of the Asante empire, the question of how to free the Asante state from the dominance of Denkyira and their annual tribute (which included slaves, gold, and other precious ornaments) remained unanswered. The tradition of paying tribute continued even after Osei Tutu became the king of Asante for many years. However, the situation became unbearable when the King of Denkyira demanded even higher payments from the Asantes and their vassal states. The King of Denkyira sent his ambassadors to Asante and made unusual demands, including the dissolution of the union and the demand for the golden stool. War broke out at the village of Feyiase and the people of Denkyira were defeated and the king of Denkyira was beheaded.

After the defeat of Denkyira, their territories were left unguarded and vulnerable. The Asante invaded Denkyira lands, capturing territories and Osei Tutu shared the territories of Denkyira among his supporters. Other states that were allied with Denkyira such as Asin, Akyem, Aowin, were also captured and defeated by the Asante forces in 1701. When Osei Tutu realized the strength of his forces after the defeat of the Denkyira, he waged a fresh campaign aimed at subjugating the Akyem kingdom, who were the allies of Denkyira, and ultimately incorporating them into his empire. By 1715, the entire state of Ahafo which was known for its craft and other commercial activities such became under Asante influence.

Unfortunately, in 1717, while crossing River Pra in a canoe, Osei was fatally shot by an enemy marksman. Nevertheless, he left behind a formidable military force that would go on to establish the most dominant kingdom in West Africa. It has been stated by Dupuis that following the death of Osei Tutu, the Ashanti "empire" expanded as far as within forty miles of the coastline; however, these supposed "conquests" were notconclusive untill 1820, and Opoku had to retake them. During the reign of Osei Tutu, the Asante extended its influence further south in the Fante lands including Aowin, Ahafo, and Elmina. See Fig 4, for further explanation.

Soon after the demise of Osei Tutu, Opoku Ware (1720-1750) became his successor and he was presented with the challenge of the other conquered areas such as Akyem, and Kwahu. These wars constituted the expansion of Asante to both the south and the north. The idea of the war of expansion to the South was to get direct access to trade with the Europeans.

During his visit to the Gold Coast, Bowdich inquired about the influence of the Asante people. One of the chiefs drew a map in the dust using a stick to explain. He took a stick and made a mark in the dust. That was Kumase, he said, the capital. All power started from there. He then drew a series of concentric circles around it. That was the Asanteman (the territories of Asante). As such, however, it was highly schematic. It depicted a stylized Greater Asante, to which the real one was no more than an approximation. Most signally, it took no account of the fact that to the south the sea drastically curtailed the notional twenty days' reach of Asante authority. Fig 5, shows a significant expansion of the territories of Asante expanded both southward and northward including Dagomba and Gonja between 1700 and 1807. As indicated in my introduction about this two great Kingdoms in the northern territories, they were defeated by Asantes during the reign of the second King of Asante (Opoku Ware). The map of Fig 5 also indicates that Asante before 1907 conquered almost 80% of the territories of Gold Coast. It is therefore not surprising when scholars like Kwame Arhin contends that Osei Tutu (the first King of Asante) and Opoku Ware (the second king of Asante) expanded the territories.

From the period of Osei Kwame to 1826, the Asante wars were mainly focused on reclaiming lost territories and consolidating power. Non-Akan states that had mainly commercial relations with the Asante were not involved in the cycle of rebellions or revolts. The Asante presence was mostly felt in the Akan states, where they relied on armed intervention to enforce their authority. Despite cultural similarities to the Ashantis, these areas saw themselves as separate and insisted on their political sovereignty. Osei Tutu Kwame's attack on Anomabo, following the Fanti refusal to surrender two Assin chiefs who had defied his authority, is famous or notorious depending on one's perspective. This victory gave the Ashantis recognition as the foremost local power and opened up possibilities of economic and cultural advantages. However, it also led to disaster because it destroyed the buffer of the tiny coastal stretch between Ashanti (whose dominion already included the northern Fanti provinces) and the British traders.

The relationship between Asante and the protectorates was not straightforward. There were Ashanti resident-chiefs in Accra and Elmina who had judicial and political functions. Ashanti ambassadors settled disputes in Accra and Elmina, and there was an attempt to enforce the oath of the king of Accra, who also provided services such as preparing lime and sending it to Kumasi. In Banda, there were attempts to introduce the material symbols of kingship as a prelude to assimilation into Greater Asante.

It is clear, then, that whilst Asante considered these protectorates as having the same political status as the provinces, special considerations attenuated the implied political and military treatment of them. In the case of Accra and Elmina, it was their position as alternative trade posts to Anomabo and Cape Coast, and as potential centers of subversion in Akim and Akwapim in the east and in Fantiland in the west. Aowin and Nzima were too far off, and Axim in Nzima had a similar market status to Accra and Elmina. Banda, it has been noted, was a frontier town and deserved special treatment. She, like Accra and Ada, differed in culture from Ashanti and was therefore difficult to assimilate.

In the northern part of the Gold Coast, Asante had established connections with Gonja and Dagomba, which was spelled "Dagoumba" by the British, as well as with north-western Ashanti (now known as Brong). Meanwhile, in the southern region, Asante had ties with the coastal territories stretching from Axim to Ada (inclusive), and with the territories situated immediately south of Asante. In this essay, it is necessary to differentiate between the types of 'ties' that existed between Ashanti and the various territories.

After examining and critiquing the map of Gold Coast and Asante by Thomas Astley and reviewing various historical maps, pictures, and literature, it has been revealed that the Asante Kingdom had a vast territorial influence between the 18th and 19th centuries. An analysis of these diverse sources has shown that the Asante Kingdom covered approximately 80% of the Gold Coast, proving its historical significance and expansive influence.

By amalgamating various sources, including maps and historical works, the intricate geopolitical dynamics of Asante has been highlighted. This exploration provides vital contributions to our understanding of pre-colonial African states.

This study challenges the accuracy of existing depictions and prompts a reevaluation of Asante's historical prominence. It emphasizes the need for a more nuanced and comprehensive approach to the study of African kingdoms. Reflecting on the territorial legacy of Asante in the face of British intervention, it becomes evident that such historical inquiries are crucial for fostering a more accurate and holistic understanding of the continent's past.

During the mid-17th century, the Asantes sold Gold and slaves to the British on the coast, and they received firearms in return from their European counterparts. The people of Fantes became an ally of the British and served as middlemen between Asantes and any other foreign group because of their geographical location. Asantes engaged in serious wars with the Fantes to avoid this middleman role. In 1807, the Fantes were defeated in their encounter with the Asantes.

As indicated earlier, Dupius and Bowdich was sent to Kumasi to complete a peace negotiation between the British and the Asantes in Kumasi, the capital of Asante. However, the Asantes were dissatisfied with some of the terms and conditions of the negotiations, leading to several battles between them.

In 1824, the British mobilized their forces near Nsamankow to fight against the Asantes. Unfortunately, the British lost the battle and their governor, Sir Charles McCarthy, was killed and beheaded by the Asantes.

The British marched their troops on the 31, January 1874. they defeated the Asantes and their capital (Kumasi) was abandoned by the Asante when the British arrived on 4 February and was briefly occupied by the British. They demolished the royal palace with explosives, leaving Kumasi a heap of smoldering ruins. The British were impressed by the size of the palace.

In July 1874, the Ashanti brought an end to the war by signing the Treaty of Fomena. One of the key provisions of the treaty was that King Kofi Karikari would pay an indemnity of 50,000 ounces of approved gold to Queen Victoria in recompense for the expenses he incurred.

The Fourth Anglo-Ashanti War, also known as the "Second Ashanti Expedition", was a short-lived conflict that took place from 26 December 1895 to 4 February 1896. The Ashanti had declined an unofficial offer to become a British protectorate from 1891 to 1894. The British had also wanted to establish a British resident in Kumasi, but the Ashanti King, Prempeh I, refused to surrender his sovereignty. The British were eager to keep French and German forces out of Ashanti territory, especially its gold, and were therefore determined to conquer the Ashanti once and for all. To avoid any further conflict, the Asante delegation made an offer to the British, conceding on its gold, cocoa, and rubber trade and submitting to the crown. However, the British had already decided on a military solution, and the troops marched in a few days after the delegation returned to Kumasi. Prempeh I was captured and banished to Seychelles Island. In 1897, Asante became a British protectorate.

In the War of the Golden Stool (1900), also known as the "Third Ashanti Expedition", on 25 March 1900, the British representative, Sir Frederik Mitchell Hodson committed a political error by insisting he should sit on the Golden Stool, not understanding that it was the Royal throne and very sacred to the Asantes. He ordered a search be made for it. The Asantes, enraged by this act, attacked the soldiers engaged in the search. Yaa Asantetewaa, the Queen mother of Ejisu encouraged the Asante men to stand firm and protect the golden stool because it is the embodiment of the people of Asante. The Ashanti claimed victory by retaining their sacred stool. In September, the British sent flying columns to neighboring supporters of the rebellion, leading to several skirmishes.

After a detailed examination of various historical maps, literary sources, and visual evidence, it has become clear that during the 18th century, the Asante Kingdom held control over almost 80% of the Gold Coast. This information is supported by a range of cartographic representations, images, and historical accounts.

However, in 1874, the British forces defeated the Asantes, leading to a significant shift in the geopolitical landscape. As a result of this defeat, the once-vast territories of the Asante Kingdom fell under British control, resulting in the loss of captured territories and the imposition of British rule over the region.

This transformation from a sprawling dominion to a subject of British colonial authority had far-reaching consequences for the people and the cultural fabric of the region, as it altered the political dynamics. The historical narrative of Asante territoriality serves as a poignant reminder of the complex interplay between power dynamics, colonialism, and the enduring impact on the map of a once-mighty kingdom.

Wilks, Ivor. “On Mentally Mapping Greater Asante: A Study of Time and Motion.” The Journal of African History 33, no. 2 (1992): 175–90.   http://www.jstor.org/stable/182997 .

Justesen, Ole. “THE NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE IN THE GOLD COAST 1826 TO 1831.” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, no. 4/5 (2000): 1–54.   http://www.jstor.org/stable/41406656  .

Sanders, James. “The Expansion of the Fante and the Emergence of Asante in the Eighteenth Century.” The Journal of African History 20, no. 3 (1979): 349–64. http://www.jstor.org/stable/181119.

Yarak, Larry W. “Elmina and Greater Asante in the Nineteenth Century.” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 56, no. 1 (1986): 33–52. https://doi.org/10.2307/1159732.

Fynn, J. K. “THE STRUCTURE OF GREATER ASHANTI: ANOTHER VIEW.” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 15, no. 1 (1974): 1–22. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41406546.

McCaskie, Tom. “TELLING THE TALE OF OSEI BONSU: AN ESSAY ON THE MAKING OF ASANTE ORAL HISTORY.” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 84, no. 3 (2014): 353–70.   http://www.jstor.org/stable/24525557  .

Addo-Fening, Robert. “GHANA UNDER COLONIAL RULE: AN OUTLINE OF THE EARLY PERIOD AND THE INTERWAR YEARS.” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, no. 15 (2013): 39–70.   http://www.jstor.org/stable/43855011  .

Aidoo, Agnes A. “Order and Conflict in the Asante Empire: A Study in Interest Group Relations.” African Studies Review 20, no. 1 (1977): 1–36.   https://doi.org/10.2307/523860  .

Kwarteng, Kwame Osei. “THE ASANTE CONQUEST OF AHAFO IN THE 18TH CENTURY: A HISTORICAL LEGACY.” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, no. 6 (2002): 59–66.   http://www.jstor.org/stable/41406668  .

Peel, J. D. Y. “History, Culture, and the Comparative Method: A West African Puzzle.” In Christianity, Islam, and Orisa-Religion: Three Traditions in Comparison and Interaction, 17–37. University of California Press, 2016. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1ffjng5.6.

René Baesjou , The Historical Evidence in Old Maps and Charts of Africa with Special Reference to West Africa. Source: History in Africa , 1988, Vol. 15 (1988), pp. 1-83 Cambridge University Press. http://www.jstor.com/stable/3171856.