African American Burial Networks and Practices
Exploring the intersections of life, death, and freedom in Geer Cemetery (Durham, North Carolina)
Exploring the intersections of life, death, and freedom in Geer Cemetery (Durham, North Carolina)
From the beginning of the forced enslavement of the African people in the early Americas, death took on a new meaning. Death signified a passage from this world into freedom, sometimes equated to a return to Africa. For the first few centuries and prior to the rigid enforcement of Christianity, enslaved peoples were responsible for burying their own dead. This included determining the physical location and other forms of rituals surrounding the burial. As scholar Ross Jamieson writes, “Slaves differed from other human beings in that they were not allowed freely to integrate the experience of their ancestors into their lives, to inform their understandings of social reality with inherited meanings of their natural forebears, or to anchor the living present in any conscious community” (Jamieson, 40).
Burials represent a two-pronged reality: one for the dead and one for the living. A burial was not just a means to respect the dead but the embodiment of cultural expression and a challenge to the sociopolitical reality for the Black community. In Durham, North Carolina, the story of burial remained the same though the responses, from the development of Black funeral networks to the growth of Black burial practices, varied through the decades. The uniqueness of this setting and the networks surrounding the burials further shows death as a means of economic freedom and emancipation of Black businesses and Black neighborhoods. How the land's treatment today continues to highlight and undercut such considerations will be examined at this project's conclusion.
On Research Methodology: In this project, I will investigate the history of Durham and more generally, the history of enslavement, in order to contextualize Geer Cemetery within the history of White supremacy, African American emancipation, and the burial of loved ones.
While some historians have attempted to compare early African burial practices to those in the Americas, their efforts face many challenges. For one, the mixing of ethnic groups in the Americas created divergent and unique cultures among enslaved communities. This was due to the violent divisions of family and tribal groups upon their arrival in the Americas. The diversity of African American burial practices was additionally complicated by the diversity of African burial practices. This is indeed difficult because much of the research done on the African continent tends to make over-generalizations of cultural traditions. Furthermore, the pre-colonial period in Africa has not been investigated to the degree other periods of African history have been. These issues clearly complicate direct comparisons of African and African American traditions.
Additionally, as Jamieson describes, many reclamation and preservation projects at African burial grounds struggle with severe funding problems and inadequate governmental support. The rapid development of tourism forces such efforts to be done in timeframes which at best limit efficacy, and at worst inflict damage. The documentation that we do have contains a heavy European bias that leads to inaccurate and restricted conclusions. Overall, these historical projects - however well-intentioned - have the potential to do more harm than good for the communities they purportedly serve.
Within the context of this project, given the limited records on Geer, I will be transparent when there are not clear answers rather than forcing generalizations of a vast and complex history. This history is equally embedded within a white supremacist society as the projects Jamieson cites that made preservation and historical narration difficult if not near impossible. The story of burials is not complete by any means nor could it be.
"We died in riots and rebellions, as victims of lynching, from executions, murders, police violence, suicides, and untreated or under-treated diseases...Collectively, the story of how we died shaped a tragic community narrative" - Karla C. Holloway, Passed On: African American Mourning Stories (2003)
Death had the potential of emancipating the Black body from the conditions violently forced upon them in life. Burial networks included the businesses, churches, and Black funeral homes, among much else, that made up the web surrounding death in Durham, North Carolina. In this section, I will delve into those three categories, concluding with a timeline to track their development in Durham.
"The Negro, losing the joy of this world, eagerly seized upon the offered conceptions of the next; the avenging Spirit of the Lord enjoining patience in this world, under sorrow and tribulation until the Great Day when he should lead His dark children home, — this became his comforting dream" - W.E.B. DuBois (The Souls of Black Folk, 121)
Lola Allen Lewis's Obituary (Note the funeral service location) The Carolina Times, July 30, 1938
When examining the newspaper clippings and death certificates of those buried in Geer Cemetery, it becomes clear the importance of the church community in Durham for burials. The Black preacher was an important figure in the community and "the church was the one institution that was relatively free of White impingements" (National Register of Historic Places Inventory - Nomination Form). Most notably were the two largest Black churches: White Rock Baptist Church and St. Joseph's AME Church. The founders, Margaret Faucette and Edian Markham, were buried in Geer Cemetery, again highlighting the interconnections between these communities and the burial ground.
The churches were described as "centers for recruitment of Blacks for the capitalistic enterprises that Washington, John Merrick, Dr. Aaron M. Moore, Charles C. Spaulding, and other Negro leaders, advocated" (National Register of Historic Places Inventory - Nomination Form). This quotation highlights the integration of church communities into the development of Black Wall Street (to be discussed below) and, in turn, the growth of funerary and end-of-life practices.
These connections are further highlighted by the following document that describes a meeting between NC Mutual's Mr. W.J. Kennedy and North Carolina College's James Shepard:
1931 Correspondence between James E. Shepard and W.J. Kennedy William Jesse Kennedy Papers, UNC Wilson Library, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina
The churches were viewed as pivotal figureheads of the community. These networks are webbed together in order to best support and bolster the Black neighborhoods of Durham.
These faith communities that Margaret Faucette and Edian Markum established exemplify the interconnections between life and death. This community's importance extended beyond its role in the end of life, and its continued growth speaks to this very importance. Even more so, it was a necessary component in the passing of individuals and their welcoming into the Christian eternal life.
Following the end of the Civil War, Reconstruction began as an attempt to re-unify the nation. Radical Republicans came to the South with new visions for the social order. The 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments challenged the conceptions of equality embedded in US history.
Yet, the promises of this period were soon destroyed by the continued violence by White supremacists in the South. Thus, despite emancipation on January 1, 1863, the violence against Black Americans continued and took on new forms. In North Carolina, the Wilmington Massacre is often cited as the end of Reconstruction. This violent coup was a meticulously-planned effort by White nationalists to regain control of Wilmington through the destruction of Black-owned businesses and property and a series of 60 lynchings throughout the city. It began on the morning of November 10, 1898 when a fire was started at the Daily Record, a Black-owned newspaper publication.
White mob outside Black-owned Daily Record newspaper, Wilmington, North Carolina, November 10, 1898 Library of Congress
"There is in this small city a group of five thousand or more colored people, whose social and economic development is perhaps more striking than that of any similar group in the nation" - W. E. B. DuBois on Durham, North Carolina
What did this move into Black neighborhoods mean for Durham? Durham and its Black Wall Street was a hub of Black prosperity in the United States. Its origins lie with the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company, the Mechanics and Farmers Bank, several Black funeral homes, and many Black-owned businesses.
These businesses formed the economic network funding and supporting the end of life practices. Burial insurance was a crucial business for North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance. Life needed death, as a business needed its clients, and the dead needed life for respect and fair treatment.
Businesses like North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance and the Mechanics and Farmers Bank ultimately drove business into the city and helped develop the Black neighborhoods of Durham. And, as was the case with many of the businesses in Black Wall Street, Black funeral homes' prioritization of respect and mercy to the Black community created and firmly established a market of Black clients.
How such a body is respected in death is representative of the society’s valuation of life. For instance, in Georgia, one piece of the Jim Crow laws was as follows: “The officer in charge shall not bury, or allow to be buried, any colored persons upon ground set apart or used for the burial of White persons” (Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia). In spite of the court case Shelley v. Kraemer (1948), which ended state participation in private segregation, funeral homes remained segregated (Bermann). Part of this reasoning emerges from the historical relationship between Black bodies and White morticians.
Scarborough Family Scarborough Family Archives, North Carolina Collection, Durham County Library
As Karla Holloway writes, "when the century began, many communities in the United States had no Black funeral homes" (15). Black funeral homes presented not just an economic opportunity for the Black businessmen but a "community necessity" (16). Comparable to the origins of North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance or the Mechanics and Farmers Bank, this community need emerged through the treatment of Black bodies. White morticians would provide substandard services for Black clients, including "back doors, basement entries, casual and careless night-time and after-hours services" (21). Holloway cites the example of John Scarborough, the Black owner of a Durham funeral home, who was "prompted by his experience with white morticians who 'would keep the bodies of whites upstairs in his establishment as they awaited burial, while dead blacks were hidden in the basement'" (Ibid.).
As such, maintaining a monopoly on Black bodies, the Black mortician was afforded a position of status. As mentioned, they were one of the few Black-owned businesses in the early twentieth century. However, "as Black mortuary and funeral directors; businesses were formed, they emerged into communities that already had well-established church histories and practices" (Holloway, 22). They were coming into communities with established death and burial practices that they had to incorporate into their burials.
Saint Joseph's AME Church Interior (1911) Booker T. Washington article, "Durham, North Carolina, a city of Negro enterprises"
Left to Right: Memorial to Edian Markham at Geer Cemetery (Photo by Nicholas Levy, August 17, 2019), Members of Edian Markham's Family (The Carolina Times, October 25, 1969), "Some Passages on the Life of the Rev. Edian Markum" (Markham, William Benjamin, 1941)
"In all my traveling, I have never seen a finer Negro church than St. Joseph." - Booker T. Washington (on St. Joseph's AME Church)
Original Deeds for Geer Cemetery
The document on the left (General Index to Deeds) lists the cemetery at the top: Cemetery for Colored People. The following two are the deed to the property. The document on the far right states, as indicated by the previous quote, that:
"The above lot of land is to be used as a cemetery for the colored people"
To learn more about Geer Cemetery and efforts to preserve this sacred land, please visit: http://friendsofgeercemetery.org/ .
Directory of the White Rock Baptist Church (Issued April 24, 1926) White Rock Baptist Church Records, 1880s-1890s, NC Central University
Left to Right: Image from founder Margaret Faucette's family "And Ode to the Founders;" Jan. 1928 Bulletin for White Rock Baptist Church
"The Lord has smiled very kindly upon the work" (Directory of the White Rock Baptist Church)
North Carolina Mutual Birthday Gathering in Honor of C.C. Spaulding (1923) Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander Papers, ArtStor
This section will explore some of the burial practices associated with African American funerals and more specifically, at Geer Cemetery.
It is important to note that, while this section delves into several burial practices, customs vary over time. This is not an exhaustive examination into African American burial practices but rather a specific discussion of Geer Cemetery.
Homegoing was a concept that emerged during the colonial period in which enslaved individuals believed that death signified 'going home.' For some, this meant going home to Africa and for others, particularly as Christianity became imposed on enslaved populations, this was a Christian homecoming.
"With no hope of ever returning to their native homeland, death was perceived as the glorious release from a life of suffering and the chance to 'go home' and live in glory and riches in the kingdom of heaven." (Marsden-Ille)
Gravestone for John Daniel Barnes Photo by Nicholas Levy, September 12, 2020.
Unlike the traditional Western European funeral, in which death is viewed as a tragedy, a homegoing funeral transforms death into something positive. As can be seen above and on many of the gravestones in Geer, there is a message of hope attached to death. In this instance, John Daniel Barnes's gravestone mentions a Christian homegoing, one towards eternal life. The message is above the following: death is not the end of life but a chance for freedom in death. Again, we see the blurring of the lines between life and death that marks much of the African American burial traditions. It is hopeful, promising, and freeing for lives that faced the brunt of the White supremacist narratives and violence in the United States.
Many homegoing ceremonies follow similar structures. The below is an example of such a structure (written by Sarah Kessler):
Prior to burial, there is traditionally a five to seven day mourning period before the funeral itself. This week-long period includes a visitation. During this period, family and friends gather to grieve the deceased.
Following this, family and close friends gather for a wake before the start of the funeral. Two to three viewing days are arranged for these individuals. As will be discussed in the section on open-casket funerals, this is a critical step to say goodbye to a loved one.
The funeral service itself is often a Christian ceremony led by a pastor. Often, family members and friends sing both traditional African American and Christian hymns. Some of these include “What a Friend We Have in Jesus” (originally from the 1850’s) and “It is Well with My Soul” (originally from the 1870s). Music again is critical for creating the ambience of celebration.
Following the burial, attendees gather at the home of one of the family members for a reception and meal.
At the turn of the century, some traditional African practices included "laying-on of hands, touching, kissing, and expressing one's grief by viewing the remains" (Holloway 25). There is, as Holloway cites, an "emotional power of the presence of the deceased" (Ibid.).
Scarborough Family. Daisy Hargett Scarborough. 1924. Woman lies in state amid masses of funeral flowers. Scarborough Family Archives, North Carolina Collection, Durham County Library
The above image is of Daisy Hargett Scarborough, daughter of Laura Spellman and J.C. Hargett. She was originally from Lenoir County where she met her husband. Married on May 22, 1901 to John Scarborough, she moved to Durham where they opened their funeral home: Scarborough and Hargett. Daisy passed away at the age of 39 from heart disease and was buried at Violet Park Cemetery. The image is an important representation of the open casket funerals and the celebration of the individual with flowers.
"'Well, they don't know how to do our hair. And then, they put all that pancake make-up on us and it makes us look dead'" (Holloway, 30).
The physical presentation of the body adds an additional layer to the burial. As was the case with Daisy Scarborough, how the body is shown is a final goodbye. For this reason, being represented authentically and accurately matters. Black funeral homes in particular were critical in providing the accurate representation of an individual in death, given their connections to the community. This further translates to the church networks that authenticated the values of the individual in their passing.
In some cases, this attention to detail translated to the shade of one's skin. As was noted in several burials, the embalmer would work to lighten the skin of the individual. It was believed that age darkened one's skin. As "skin tone has...had major implications in the culturally colored sociopolitics of America's history," this symbolizes the attentiveness of the mortician, understanding the needs and concerns of the client as well as the deeply entrenched colorism (Holloway, 26). This colorism within the African American community formed by the White supremacist narrative of the United States created the communal needs that “demanded the same attention from these decorative and restorative arts” (27). As Holloway writes, “the last thing they would want is for somebody to pass by the casket and say, ‘Your mama looks a little dark, doesn’t she?” (Ibid.).
There are also many superstitions surrounding burial that held great importance for the community. This includes burying an individual facing east so that they may rise on Judgement Day (attached to the concept of 'homecoming'). Additionally, coins are placed on their hands to give to ancestors in the afterlife. This can also be seen as the entrance fee into the world of spirits.
Given the limited records on burials at Geer, the physical space of Geer is all the more critical in understanding the end-of-life practices for those in Durham, North Carolina. Below are four gravestones from Geer Cemetery. The engravings say the following (left to right):
As with the death certificates, we see the clear indications of religious values and importance for those buried in Geer with the mention of ‘heaven.’ We witness a community’s values and experiences reflected in a gravestone. Simultaneously, life and death become one as the chosen phrase highlights a single individual, a life captured in a few words. Yet, simultaneously, these inscriptions are impersonal, somewhat detached from the specificities of a single life.
In spite of its affluence, there were many financial concerns in the Durham area for Black Americans. Burial, like many other spaces, faced limitations. Interviewed by Lacretia Wilkerson and Isaac Johnson in the 1990s, Willis G. Carpenter stated:
"Most of them were buried in wooden boxes. They since decayed and that's the reason why there's all those sunken places" (Wright, 131).
There is an interesting dynamic in many Black burial grounds. As the space fills, rather than becoming more valuable as it carries more history and more lives, the public efforts to preserve the space decrease (Wright, 131). This is not due to a lack of commitment from a community but perhaps other considerations, like the Great Migration and the building up of a White neighborhood surrounding the cemetery that intimidated many descendants. This issue is also noted in Carpenter's interview:
"Well, after they quit burying them up there, a few people came out there but then all of the people's relatives in there is dead and it just went down to nothing" (Wright, 131)
This concern is further noted by the limited headstones in Geer. Many were buried with courtesy markers, indicating that they could not afford a full headstone at the time of burial. Based on current estimations, there are roughly sixteen courtesy markers that remain. Given the fragility of these markers, likely many more did exist.
Examples of courtesy markers (click to expand images) Left to right: Photo by Nicholas Levy, November 16, 2019, Photo by Nicholas Levy, January 17, 2020, Photo by Nicholas Levy, March 16, 2020, and Photo by Nicholas Levy, June 19, 2021
One of the few courtesy markers that remains intact is that of Annie Curtis (abt. 1840 to 1936). As can be noted from the image below, this marker indicates the funeral home that buried Mrs. Curtis (Scarborough and Hargett), the death she passed away (March 14, 1936), and the age upon time of death (76). Given the limited number of such markers that survive to this day due to their fragility, another level of importance is added to this space. Geer holds lives that are even further marginalized by poverty and other financial difficulties whose memory in death continues to be threatened.
Courtesy Marker for Mrs. Annie Curtis Photo by Allen Dew, Cemetery Census, June 2004.
Thus, while we see burial become more accessible, this does not eliminate the difficult financial cost, which, for some, was impossible. It is important to note, however, this does not discount a community’s love and care for its individuals but rather a criticism of a system that makes even dignity in death a privilege.
In 1924, the City of Durham created the Black burial ground of Beechwood Cemetery at the intersection of Fayetteville Street and Cornwallis Road due to the overcrowding at many of the other local cemeteries, including Geer. Some bodies were moved to Beechwood by loved ones in the establishment of family plots as well as by the city. Two that have been confirmed to have been moved are Dr. Augustus Shepard and John W O'Daniel.
Beechwood Burials of Dr. Augustus Shepard and John W. O'Daniel Left to right: Photo by Nicholas Levy, August 12, 2020 and Photo by Nicholas Levy, August 12, 2020
Dr. Augustus Shepard Biographical Sketch of the life and work of the late Rev. Augustus Shepard (Whitted, J.A.)
Dr. Augustus Shepard was another individual foundational in the church community of Durham, again highlighting the interconnections between the churches and burial. He served as the minister at White Rock Baptist Church until his death in 1911.
With his re-burial, we see a greater valorization of specific African American lives, as deemed by the White population of Durham. Within his obituary in the Durham Sun, he is described as "highly esteemed by the white citizens" as well as "one of the noblest and greatest his race ever produced" (King). This notion of life being structured as valuable by a White supremacist narrative is critical in understanding the difficulties surrounding Geer Cemetery. Because he was perhaps more important in the eyes of his White neighbors, he was re-buried in a nicer plot of land. Yet, there is again this dynamic of preserving history where it stands versus its removal.
Such removal and reburial again threatens the continued care and preservation of the deceased. It disrupts the land that holds these bodies, perhaps harming those who remain. Beechwood's creation also appears as a bandaid solution to a greater problem: the overt disregard for Black lives. Rather than helping to preserve Geer and agreeing to expand beyond its two to three acres, the city built a new cemetery. What about those who remain in Geer? Are those memories less worthy to the city, to the state?
Clipping from R. Kelly Bryant's papers on Geer Cemetery The Southern Historical Collection, Louis Round Wilson Special Collections Library, University of North Carolina
How does the land speak for the treatment of the Black community in Durham and in the United States of America as a whole? For decades following the last burial, vandalism infringed on the memorialization of Black bodies in Geer Cemetery. On this land, vandalism extends beyond the deliberate destruction of the land to the state's overt disregard for the preservation of burial grounds and other African American heritage sites
What is important to remember, however, is that such problems within Geer Cemetery are not isolated to its two-three acres of land. Rather, the inequitable treatment of sacred land exists as a growing and ever-present issue around the country. From New York City to D.C. to Baltimore, more and more graveyards coupled with the networks they are a part of are displaced and worn down by overt and subtle acts of racism and White supremacy.
Recent Publications on Black Burial Sites and Funeral Homes Left to right: The Atlantic, The Guardian, National Geographic, Zora, WUSF Public Media
Today, efforts to preserve Geer Cemetery are led by the Friends of Geer Cemetery and their founders, local historian R. Kelly Bryant, North Carolina Central University Alice Eley Jones, Historical Preservation Society member Francis Rollins, Duke University Divinity School Marsha Mason, among others. Horrified as the cemetery and its history fell into disrepair, Bryant worked with the community to restore this sacred land. The nationwide movement to protect cemeteries, of which Geer is a piece of, is a challenge to the cemetery's physical marginalization outside of towns and on unwanted lands.
Furthermore, this is a living history. Its importance exists in the descendants of those buried in Geer Cemetery and those in the community who see this land as symbolic of the treatment of African Americans in our country, county, and city. As Diedre Barnes from the Friends of Geer Cemetery states:
"If you or your parents are from Durham, you may have ancestors in Geer Cemetery. If your grandparents or your great-grandparents are from Durham, you definitely have ancestors buried in Geer Cemetery, as there was no other place for African Americans to be buried at the time [that was a 'public' burial ground]." - Deidre Barnes, Friends of Geer Cemetery
It has been said that "death is the great equalizer." Rather, it seems death has the potential to exacerbate the racial injustices one faces in life. Yet, in the same way, burial practices and networks serve as means to provide a final goodbye that emancipates the body from discrimination. This space, this land, has meaning as the keeper of passed lives.
Kerry Rork
Originally from Orange County, California, Kerry Rork is an incoming senior at Duke University studying political science and history. She joined the work of the Friends of Geer Cemetery through the Story+ Project on Duke's campus. She has engaged in historical research for several other projects, including the Dictionary of Art Historians , Mapping Political Uncertainty , and Sandcastle Workflow . Her work in Durham County started with Legal Aid of North Carolina and more specifically, their Durham Eviction Diversion Program. Following graduation, she hopes to pursue law school and work within civil rights law on the West Coast.
Her interest in burial and dignity in death began through her own family's fascination with ancestral documentation. Her grandfather would often spend weekends cleaning the gravestones of her ancestors. It was this habitual behavior that initially drew her to the Geer Cemetery project.
Title Photo: Photo by Nicholas Levy, April 17, 2019.
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