We Know it When We See It
How Parents Can Help Dismantle School Segregation
Nice White Parents?
This is the story of how a handful of women didn't look the other way after recognizing that their school enrollment system, for years, had been explicitly set up to advantage White families and disadvantage families of color. With years of advocacy, a strategic press presence and some excellent timing, D15 Parents for Middle School Equity managed to put an end to a decades-old screening-based admissions policy that funneled most of our diverse district's White and higher income students into the three well-funded, selective middle schools with the best reputations. After our work was highlighted in the recent podcast Nice White Parents , we thought we'd offer more details about how it all unfolded, in the hope that our experience can prove useful to others interested in making change.
Why did we do this? How? What lessons can our story teach others interested in reforming systemic processes that are tired, unjust and reinforce inequities by creating two entirely different sets of educational experiences for White kids and their Black and Brown peers?
Connecting the Dots: Screening, Choice and Segregation
District 15 is very diverse, and very segregated. Its elementary schools are zoned, but it’s a so-called "choice" district for middle schools, so unlike its zoned elementary schools, no-one is assigned to middle school based on geography. Instead, families are asked to tour and rank the 11 schools run by the Department of Education (DOE). Their children are then matched with schools, and at the very end of 5th grade, they are told where they will be going the next year.
Despite the diversity of the district and the fact that any student could apply to any middle school, when we first started organizing, almost none of the middle schools reflected the district as a whole. Most of them skewed either heavily Latino and lower income, but nearly all the White and higher income kids attended the three "top" schools.
For many years, every school had a different method of picking kids, usually involving some combination of grades, test scores, auditions, interviews, and school-created tests. Attendance, lateness and behavior were also used, though because the schools did not publicize either their rubrics or applicant's individual scores on the rubrics, no-one knew exactly which of the many factors counted most heavily.
There was no oversight by the district or the DOE to ensure that the schools establish a consistent set of objective, fair screening measures that would not be susceptible to bias.
School representatives openly told auditoriums full of parents touring the schools things like "We screen for nice," and "I can't tell you what we are looking for when we interview kids, but we know it when we see it."
Competition for the few so-called "good" schools was fierce, with thousands of ten year-olds applying for hundreds of seats each year.
The process made everyone insane. It also resulted in segregated schools.
Parents for Middle School Equity
It happened that several of our kids all applied to middle school during the 2013-2014 school year, right when the UCLA Civil Rights Project came out with its groundbreaking study detailing the extent of segregation in the NYC schools at the time: schools in NYC were more segregated than places like Mississippi and Alabama. The next fall, we connected over our mutual belief that the process was deeply flawed, inequitable and had to change.
Some of us had been advocates for educational equity already, but going through the application process ourselves opened our eyes to the extent to which school screening and choice contributed to and maintained segregation. Although many people, including Mayor Bill deBlasio , still point to residential segregation as the cause of school segregation, it didn't take us long to connect the dots between the screening process and our segregated middle schools.
The way we sorted kids in D15 and elsewhere across the City was bad for kids , bad for parents and bad for schools. The only thing it did well was to sort kids of different backgrounds into entirely separate schools.
In Fall 2014, we met with our District Superintendent and our City Council member to discuss the middle school assignment method. While they agreed that the system was flawed, they would not entertain the possibility of reform; they believed the political will to bring about change did not exist. They assured us that because the majority of parents were happy with their children's placements, these parents accepted the terrible system. They were not about to rock that boat.
It was clear whose voices they were hearing: those of the White minority who dominated the three favored middle schools in the district.
Was it really true that most privileged parents were okay with both the inequitable outcomes and the terrible process as long as their child won the golden ticket and ended up in a good school?
But what about the parents of the kids placed at the rest of the schools, many of whom did not speak English, did not have the time to tour schools, or have access to the kinds of privilege many advantaged parents used to work the system? If the White kids were dominating the supposedly best schools, were the Black and Brown families really okay with it?
We walked out of this meeting and decided to show them that the will did exist to open up opportunities for all kids across the district, not just the ones able to rise to the top of this Hunger Games-like competition.
We created a survey for D15 parents and educators to understand how they felt about the middle school screening process. Right away, 450 people responded: 91% told us they wanted change to the existing student assignment system. In survey comments, they emphatically told us why.
Questioning the System
The screening process used by D15 middle schools discriminated against Black and Brown students, as the screens themselves were subjective, inconsistent and entirely unrelated to a legitimate educational goal. We started to challenge the premise of such screening, and whether any of the screens were grounded in strong educational policy. We asked:
- Why were attendance and lateness used as an admissions criteria for 8 and 9 year-olds brought to school by their parents? Doesn't that say more about the parents than the kids?
- Why were schools interviewing 9 and 10 year-olds? How was the ability to make a good impression on an unfamiliar adult remotely related to whether a child qualified for sixth grade?
- Why the did the district as a whole decide that it was smart pedagogical policy to funnel the kids with "good" and "bad" behavioral records into entirely different schools? Did it actually help anyone to send most of the kids with difficult behavior to one set of schools, while allowing others to reject anyone who ever got into trouble?
- When only some elementary schools in the district with very wealthy PTAs could afford strong arts enrichment programs, why was any school allowed to audition kids for musical and artistic talent? How would that not end up simply reflecting whose parents could send their children to those schools or who could pay for lessons?
In light of sound research demonstrating that academically and racially heterogeneous groupings are the most effective way to close the "achievement gap," we also questioned the premise of reserving entirely separate schools for high and low performers.
Finally, we challenged the notion that the popular schools were somehow inherently "better," given that they were allowed to hand-pick the kids who had been more academically and behaviorally successful in elementary school.
Was it that the popular schools were actually "better" or did they ace all the metrics precisely because they were allowed to hand-pick the kids with the fewest challenges?
School Choice also Contributed
The burdensome nature of the choice process itself favored parents with access to the internet who could sign up online for tours that opened and closed very quickly, those with flexible work schedules that allowed them to take multiple mid-day tours, and those able to understand the mostly English-only tours. In other words, English-speaking middle and upper middle class parents.
We asked why the DOE and the district considered this systemic exclusion to be fair, equitable and based in sound educational policy.
Developing Our Ask
We started our advocacy by calling attention to the subjective, unfair and educationally incoherent screening process, and its connection to upholding the systemic separation of students on the basis of race, ethnicity and income. After our survey, we circulated a petition, held a public forum , spoke to any member of the media that would listen to us, and testified before our Community Education Council , the Panel on Educational Policy and the City Council. We also continued to build our base in our community with a Facebook group and several public meetings .
Initially, we thought we needed to put forth our own proposal for an alternative to the existing process. We explored many options (such as controlled choice or "ed opt" ) and strongly considered advocating for one of those. But our key moment came when we realized that as a small group of mostly White women, we really had no business calling for any particular solution without input from the entire community.
We decided not to demand a solution that WE as White and privileged parents thought was best. Instead, we began to demand that the DOE acknowledge that its system was unworkable, and insist that it redesign a new, more equitable process with systematic input from ALL stakeholders.
We sought a district-wide middle school assignment process based on:
- Transparency
- Fairness to ALL our families
- Equitable admissions standards
- Meaningful community input
- And sound educational theory
We proposed a "learning lab" to bring together various stakeholders from across the district to devise a better and more equitable method of placing kids into the sixth grade. We brought our idea to the Community Education Council and tried to get it on the ballot for our local Participatory Budgeting election, but for about two years, we had little luck.
We kept going though. We supported pro-equity candidates on our Community Education Council, continued to amplify our message wherever possible in the media and online, and joined forces with other advocates across the City as the school integration movement grew.
Progress! Community Engagement
For years it appeared that we were making incremental progress, which mostly consisted of keeping the question of middle school integration and screening in the center of lots of dialogue around the district and the City. But then, in June 2017, the NYC DOE issued its Equity and Excellence Plan , which we, along with many others , considered barely able to scratch the surface of the segregation entrenched across the City. It also did not use the words "segregation," "desegregation" or "integration" once in the entire document. However, someone in the DOE must have snuck in this paragraph, which initially got very little attention:
"The DOE will kick off community stakeholder engagement processes in several districts that have already engaged in conversations about fostering school diversity. The DOE will work alongside school leaders, parents, community and elected leaders in each of those districts to develop diversity plans. The DOE will act as a technical advisor to the process in order to support stakeholders in accessing the resources and expertise they will need to need to develop and implement the plan."
Enter WXY Studio
In August 2017, we received an email inviting us to a meeting at the WXY Architecture + Urban Planning + Design Studio , and explaining that as part of the DOE's Equity and Excellence Plan, the DOE had hired WXY to facilitate district-wide discussions to redesign the D15 middle school admissions process. We were astonished and somewhat bewildered. With equal parts curiosity and skepticism, we decided to attend.
We found that the DOE had contracted with WXY to plan a year-long community engagement proces s to bring together stakeholders from across the district to devise a new student assignment procedure. This proposal was far more extensive than the single-day lab we had proposed. WXY invited us to join the Working Group that would oversee the process, which would include three large community workshops to understand the problems and identify solutions.
Despite our caution (and honestly, our disbelief that our advocacy had come to fruition), we joined the Working Group, and spent a year engaging deeply with the question of not only how to re-design middle school admissions, but equally as importantly, how to ensure that voices from all across the district were heard - not just the loudest, which so often means those with the most privilege. Key to getting it right was making sure that the Working Group was actually representative of the district. We were not encouraged by the fact that initially the DOE claimed to be unable to find any parents from Sunset Park to join the group, so we called for a delay until they managed this. But they actually listened, slowed things down, and eventually the Working Group did include a wider range of voices.
Community Workshops
Our skepticism of the DOE's commitment to making actual change also began to diminish when they included this slide in the introduction to the first public workshop.
It was the first time the DOE had publicly acknowledged the segregation of the City's schools. We became a little less skeptical that the process was for real.
The first two workshops were well attended, and included introductory presentations , food and small breakout groups to discuss the current state of middle school admissions and possible alternatives. People from all across the district attended, and shared their experiences and ideas. Built around the principles of participatory design , these discussions were honest, heated and revelatory.
For the first time, the DOE asked in a big way the people impacted by their policy not only how they felt about it, but whether it was equitable. A principal of a heavily immigrant school described using money from her own budget to pay for a bus and a translator so families from her school could participate in middle school tours. A Black mother from Red Hook relayed refusing to let her son apply to one of the "Big Three" schools because of the stories she'd heard from friends describing discrimination and harassment there. And an elementary school teacher explained the subjectivity of the behavior grades he gave his kids, given the lack of any standardized grading guidance provided by his school or the DOE.
City Councilman Brad Lander described the first workshop as having "the potential to strengthen inclusive democracy, combat inequality at its roots, and profoundly shape the future of New York City."
That might have been a bit of an overstatement, but it certainly was a powerful evening.
A breakout group, Workshop #1 (WXY D15 Diversity Plan Final Report)
The workshops also explored a ton of excellent data , which showed clearly how each screen served to exclude Black and Brown students from the most competitive schools.
At the end of the 2017-2018 school year, the WXY process concluded.
The D15 Diversity Plan
After a year's worth of discussions, data analysis and surveys and community workshops, the Working Group concluded that there was no way to preserve any method of screening students that wouldn't ultimately violate the rights of one group or another.
The Working Group also agreed that changing admissions in and of itself was not enough; in order to integrate the schools successfully, a comprehensive set of initiatives was necessary to transition schools from serving relatively homogeneous groups of children to vastly different ones.
The result was the D15 Diversity Plan , a 110 page report. The most significant of its recommendations was the elimination of all school screens in favor of a weighted lottery that gave preference at all schools to students receiving free and reduced price lunch. The plan also includes a multi-year sequence for implementing the inclusion and other recommendations for supporting integrated student bodies at all schools.
D15 Diversity Plan Final Report
Results!
As luck would have it, the 2019-2020 school year was the first year that the new plan went into effect. Initial data shows that economic segregation in sixth grade decreased by 55% and racial segregation decreased by 38%; these results are both large and statistically significant. Before schools shut down due to Covid-19, reports were largely positive, and described students from across the district attending schools children from their neighborhoods had never attended under the old system. You can read more about the change in enrollment patterns here .
Although simple changes to demographics are far from what's needed to bring about what the students of IntegrateNYC call "The 5 R's of Real Integration," schools can't be integrated without the first step of bringing kids into the same schools. That's what the former admissions process prevented, and what the new Diversity Plan achieved. Take a look at the enrollment in the two largest middle schools in our district (both approximately 1100 students), MS 51 and MS 88 - located blocks away from each other, but mirror images of each other in terms of enrollment in 2014-2015, the year we started organizing:
Source: NYCDOE data
In 2019-2020, after the first year of the new admissions plan went into effect, the two schools looked like this:
Source: NYCDOE data
It is clear that removing screens in favor of a weighted lottery instantly decreased segregation. And as this article chronicles, the white flight many predicted not only failed to materialize, but students from each side of the district are finding positive experiences at schools they never would have considered previously.
We remain hopeful that once we get through the challenges of Covid-19, D15 will begin to fully implement the non-admissions pieces of the Diversity Plan, to start to create real integration and fully realize the true promise of a comprehensive approach to building schools that are inclusive of children of all backgrounds and abilities. Given that the district's initial implementation of these measures was tepid at best even pre-pandemic, we have begun to organize to make sure that in the aftermath of the pandemic, implementation of the full plan reemerges as a priority.
What Next?
What are the larger lessons of the D15 experience? Will the removal of screens in our district lead, as we hoped, to the ultimate toppling of discriminatory screening across the City's middle and high schools? Will the City redraw school district and zone lines to promote integration on the elementary level? Or was this experience a one-off, possible in part because of " interest convergence ," the notion that “whites will tolerate and advance the interests of people of color only when they promote the self-interests of whites”? Was what happened in our district also lucky timing, due to a backlash against a video of a meeting to discuss a less drastic middle school diversity plan in Manhattan's District 3 (as Chana Joffe-Walt suggests in the conclusion of Nice White Parents)?
The answers are unclear, but not encouraging. In August 2019, the Mayor-appointed School Diversity Advisory Group (SDAG) released its long-awaited recommendations , which included restructuring gifted and talented programs, eliminating most middle-school screens City-wide, changing screened high schools admissions and redrawing district lines. However, at least a year later, the City has yet to adopt a single one of these recommendations. Then, due to Covid, the DOE announced it was contemplating ending admissions screens City-wide, for at least the next year. But after the announcement generated a huge controversy, the proposal was postponed, and as of late August 2020, the City still has not announced whether or how it will continue to screen kids using metrics such as grades, test scores, attendance and behavior - all of which became even more invalid sorting tools during the pandemic.
The DOE had also planned another WXY-led district-wide integration process , this time in the middle schools of District 28. But after trying to get the community engagement process off the ground for months despite community anger and roadblocks, the DOE postponed it. And in D15, a DOE proposal to rezone parts of the elementary school zones is now also postponed , in part due to the pandemic.
The good news is that many NYC students, some of whom went through the old D15 middle school process, are at the forefront of fighting for change as part of IntegrateNYC and Teens Take Charge . They have become the real leaders of this movement, and are beginning to yield impressive results .
Teens Take Charge School Segregation Protest, June 2019
What Can YOU Do?
The late integration activist Courtney Everts Mykytyn often noted how a sense of resource scarcity drives parents to fight to place their children in "good" schools, regardless of how much that perpetuates the competition for educational opportunities - and school segregation. Her point cannot be overstated. School integration is so crucial , yet otherwise progressive White parents so often make choices that exacerbate segregation, despite supporting inclusion and diversity in theory.
This sense of resource scarcity pushes well-intentioned parents to act counter to our values and make choices that drive educational inequities. We participate without questioning in a host of educational systems (such as tracking , gifted and competitive programs , PTA fundraising , resource inequities , education funding formulas , school and district zones , and school discipline ) that historically have served to privilege White students at the expense and exclusion of Black and Brown children.
Those systems can and must be dismantled.
This is where you come in. Start to ask questions. Ask why your district sorts kids in exclusionary ways. Question the educational purpose of the specific sorting mechanisms, such as gifted and talented programs or exam schools. Ask why certain schools, or programs are considered desirable while others are written off as harmful. Get used to doing simple data analysis to show others the disproportionality that so often results from biased educational practices. Find a graphic designer and show the disparities in clear and colorful ways that people can easily understand. Find some reporters who are willing to amplify your story, and tell it again and again until you start getting traction.
In other words, don't accept your role in perpetuating segregation. Parents do have the power to make change - but it should be change that benefits everyone, and it must be forged by intentional listening to the voices so often excluded by the system. What we suspect made our advocacy effective was when we realized we could not presume to speak for the BIPOC families most impacted by the change we were seeking. We demanded meaningful engagement of the entire community.
If parents with privilege start calling out those inequities and the policies that created them, that's where change begins, but those parents cannot presume to speak for the people most harmed by the system.
Chana Joffe-Walt concludes Nice White Parents with this very provocative thought, which we take to heart:
Nice white parents can’t grab every advantage for our own children and also maintain our identities as good citizens who believe in equitable schools. The shame is telling us we have a choice. We can choose to hoard resources and segregate ourselves and flee the moment things feel uncomfortable. Or we can choose to be the people we say we are. But we can’t have both. We can choose to remember the goal of public schools is not to cater only to us, to keep us happy, but to serve every child. We’ve never had that school system. But we could. We could demand it. We might not. But we should know it’s within our power to help create it.
So look around your own school system. Look for the mechanisms large and small that are baked into the policies, procedures and traditions that keep kids separate and inevitably end up benefiting White students at the exclusion of others. And start to organize!
Resources for Making Your Case
Analyze the Data
We were a little obsessed with data. We knew the middle schools were segregated, but needed to present the numbers in a way that was clear and convincing. Luckily our team included both people who knew how to find and analyze the NYC DOE data , and a talented graphic designer who could make it all look pretty.
Our Analysis
We showed how on the middle school level, D15 as a whole is about 10% Asian, 20% Black, 46% Latino and 24% White, but no schools reflected the diversity of the district.
When we started organizing in 2014-15, most (87%) of D15 middle school kids attended schools that served grades 6-8, with a small subset attending the ones that served grades 6-12. The majority (59%) of the district's Black students attended the 6-12 schools, for which data analysis was tricky due to the DOE's reporting methodology. So we focused our analysis on the grade 6-8 middle schools attended by most D15 students.
A Clear Pattern Emerged
The 6-8 schools formed two distinctly different demographic groups, which we called Groups A and B. Group A schools enrolled the majority (81%) of Latino and high needs students. 74% of students at these schools were likely to graduate from high school. Group B schools enrolled the majority (76%) of White students and low needs students. 94% of these students were likely to graduate high school.
Group A included MS 88 , Charles Dewey , MS 442 and Sunset Park Prep , Group B included MS 51 , Math and Science - or MS 447) and New Voices - or MS 443 . Our links here show the current Inside Schools write-ups, many of which have changed since we first started our work. Most notably, since Charles Dewey had been on New York State's Schools Under Registration Review (SURR) list of the persistently lowest achieving schools in the state, it took years for it to shake off the tarnish of that designation.
For years in D15, Group B schools were widely considered the most desirable. Competition to gain admission was fierce, with several thousands of students applying for a total of about 700 seats each year.
The Legal Framework
The segregation in our district was not de jure - the kind that stems from explicit policy declaring that students of different races must attend separate schools. Rather, our segregation was de facto - the kind that results from seemingly neutral policies that nonetheless result in schools that are disproportionately populated by one particular racial or ethnic group - year after year. Tackling de facto segregation has been stymied time and again in the years since the Supreme Court held in Brown v. Board of Education that segregated schools were inherently unequal and violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.
Suing to End De Facto Segregation is Tough
One of the reasons that in certain ways, tackling school segregation was more effective in the South , at least for a while, was that there it was de jure, meaning it had been actually codified by many states and localities. De jure segregation was addressed to some extent with court orders and oversight by the Justice Department and the U.S. Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights. However, de facto segregation, where no policy explicitly limits which schools can be attended by students of particular races, is much trickier and has a much more complicated history . This history means that suing to desegregate the NYC schools would be extremely challenging.
Title VI of the Civil Rights Act Offered a Path
While filing a lawsuit would have been very challenging to pull off, we strongly considered filing a civil rights complaint with the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR). Our theory was that the D15 middle school screening process violated the disparate impact provision of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 . We hoped it would be faster and more effective to try to implement change through grassroots organizing, but in case that was unsuccessful, our advocacy tracked the OCR disparate impact analysis.
According to Title VI, disparate impact discrimination occurs when a recipient of federal financial assistance has an otherwise neutral policy or practice that has a disproportionate and adverse effect on individuals of a certain race, color, or national origin, as compared to individuals of a different race, color or national origin. Since all public school districts are recipients, they are prohibited from utilizing criteria or methods of administration that disproportionately impact individuals of a particular race, color, or national origin.
To prove an educational disparate impact claim under Title VI, the first step is showing that a facially neutral policy or practice of a school district has a disproportionate, adverse effect on a group, or groups, of students compared to others of different racial or ethnic backgrounds.
- In D15, did the school screening process have an adverse impact on kids of different ethnic and racial backgrounds?
The answer was yes. Year after year, the majority of White students were assigned to the three “best” D15 middle schools, while the majority of Black and Brown students were placed in schools many considered academically inferior.
The next question in the disparate impact analysis is whether there is a legitimate and compelling educational justification for the policy or practice that causes the disproportionality.
We repeatedly asked the district leaders for the educational purpose behind the screening process. We never got a clear answer.
Our Survey, Petition and Learning Lab Proposal
When we started questioning the process, we routinely encountered all sorts of sweeping generalizations about why there was no alternative to the status quo. So we set about breaking down assumptions by asking tons of questions and trying to collect and present the reality, based on actual data.
We worked hard to collect information from the community and to present what we learned clearly. We collaborated with local researchers to develop a survey that would yield as reliable results as possible (while acknowledging it was not a scientific study), and circulated a petition on paper and electronically in the district's predominant languages. Our Learning Lab Proposal was designed to elicit even more information in a structured and facilitated format.
Lessons Learned
We made plenty of mistakes over our three years of advocacy, and tried our best to learn from them. Here are some strategies that ultimately worked for us.
Get clarity on your goals. What do you want to achieve and why?
Develop a simple message that you repeat consistently.
Use the media to get politicians' attention.
Especially in segregated districts, don’t presume YOU know what the whole community needs.
Don’t just complain! Develop a clear ask.
Legitimize a small group with a name, a logo and a website.
Listen with empathy and be prepared to course correct in response.
Speak out publicly to advocate AND educate: show up everywhere.
Actively campaign for and support pro-equity candidates on school boards and in your local government at all levels.
Find allies and collaborate.
Demand leadership: you do not have to be policy experts to call out injustice: ask for the district to set equitable criteria for the policy changes you seek.
Realize that change takes time and persistence.
Fight for structural change and equitable resources for EVERY CHILD. It's what equal educational opportunity is about. This is not zero-sum.
Most importantly, we learned that as a group of mostly White, middle class women, organizing for equity requires a ton of humility and self-reflection. We constantly questioned our motives, our mission and our capacity and authority to speak for a very diverse district.
We acknowledged that we spoke from our own privileged socioeconomic bubble and did not have the authority to impose our preferred solution on the whole community. So we demanded that the powers that created the systems and barriers listen not just to us, but to those whom the system had ignored and failed for decades.
We are inspired that the call to unscreen our schools has spread City-wide, championed by students and some elected officials . When we started our work, we were among a small group of voices questioning the way the City sorted kids. But we persisted, joined forces with allies , and refused to take no for an answer. And so the movement grows.
More questions? Feel free to reach out to us at parents.middle.school.equity@gmail.com and follow us on Facebook .
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