Deconstructing "North Africa"

This project seeks to illuminate the African identity of the Maghrib by delving into the deep historical and cultural ties between North Africa, the Sahara, sub-Saharan Africa, and the trans-Atlantic African diaspora. Through an exploration of the legacies of slavery and racism, it challenges prevailing geopolitical narratives and transcends conventional geographic, cultural, and temporal boundaries that have long constrained our understanding of the region. The initiative’s central goal is to create a comprehensive digital archive dedicated to the trans-Saharan slave trade, generating statistical analyses and safeguarding the histories of enslaved communities in North Africa. By doing so, it aims to reshape scholarly and public perceptions of the Maghrib’s place within the broader African context.

During the colonial period, North Africans joined the broader African struggle for independence. After decolonization, North African states became full members of the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) in 1963. Today, North African countries actively participate in pan-African initiatives, such as the African Cup of Nations and FIFA World Cup qualifiers. Despite these connections, Western media often portrays the Maghrib and Mediterranean North Africa as separate from the rest of the continent. This view persists on both sides of the Sahara, reflecting deep-seated geographic and cultural divides.

The Maghrib includes Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and Mauritania. The term maghrib (Arabic for "west") originates from the perspectives of early Islamic caliphates, whose scholars viewed North Africa from centers like Mecca, Damascus, and Baghdad. For centuries, Muslim cartographers, like the ancient Greeks and Romans, lacked a full understanding of Africa’s vastness. It was only in the sixteenth century that Europeans began to develop a more accurate geographic knowledge of the continent.

After the spread of Islam, Muslim geographers divided Africa into bilad as-sudan ("land of the blacks") and bidan ("whites"). This racial dichotomy, rooted in an obsession with skin color, was used to justify the enslavement of Africans categorized as "black." Even as Islam spread to West Africa by the ninth century, some North African scholars in the eighteenth century hesitated to acknowledge the Islamic identity of West African Muslims. The trans-Saharan slave trade and racial slavery persisted in North Africa well into the colonial era. European imperialists, despite their abolitionist rhetoric, further entrenched racial divides through their own racist ideologies.

The enduring legacies of slavery, shaped by divergent historical paths, compel scholars to grapple with a pressing ethical dilemma: How can research fully acknowledge the agency and humanity of the enslaved while honoring descendants’ rights to privacy over traumatic inheritances?

This project will create a comprehensive digital archive to:

• Document the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade Preserve and analyze historical records to uncover the scale, routes, and impact of the trans-Saharan slave trade.
• Trace the Origins of Enslaved Populations Identify and register the ethnic, cultural, and geographic origins of enslaved individuals to better understand their histories and identities.
• Generate Statistical Data Produce data-driven insights to challenge and reshape traditional narratives about North Africa’s history, highlighting overlooked connections and perspectives.

By bridging gaps in historical understanding, the archive will serve as a vital resource for scholars, educators, and the public.

"Deconstructing the Maghrib" examines the region’s historical-geographical development and its resulting sociocultural complexity. This project adopts the common definition of the Maghrib as the region west of Egypt, encompassing Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania, and a significant portion of the Sahara.

This project will serve as a tool to enhance our understanding of the region and support scholarly inquiries, such as mapping the archival gaps related to the trans-Saharan slave trade, slavery, and race. It also features a web-based exploration of the historical and bibliographic foundations of the Maghrib. As such, this project offers a digital platform for exploring the history of enslavement in the Maghrib.

It is important to recognize that alongside the standard history, there exist other histories. The concepts of racial fluidity or harmonious racial relations are highly valued by many African scholars and are central to government-sponsored narratives in the Middle East and North Africa region. This normative framework promotes diversity and multiculturalism, often obscuring racial boundaries and downplaying issues of racism. While this narrative acknowledges and celebrates historical connections between Africa and the Middle East, it is only one perspective.

It is important to note that for over thirteen centuries, Islam and the Arabic language have been integral to Africa, profoundly shaping its culture, society, and politics. Long before Western colonialism, Arabic served as a key medium for intellectual discourse, facilitating advancements in science, literature, and religious scholarship across the continent. From the prestigious University of al-Azhar in Cairo to al-Qayrawan in Tunisia, from Al-Qarawiyyin in Morocco to Sankore University in Timbuktu—a thriving hub of astronomy, mathematics, and Islamic jurisprudence—Arabic served as the language of learning and governance, extending as far as Kano in Hausaland. African scholars like Ahmed Baba (1556–1627), whose works filled Timbuktu’s libraries, and Usman dan Fodio (1754–1817), founder of the Sokoto Caliphate, contributed to a rich tradition of African-Arab intellectual exchange. Beyond academia, Arabic script—adapted into Ajami—was used to write local languages such as Swahili, Hausa, and Fulfulde, leaving a lasting linguistic legacy.

But whose cohesion or harmony does this narrative represent? What critical perspectives are absent from this story? Traditional historiography often prioritizes narratives of harmony while downplaying racial animosity. Undoubtedly, the stories of those who have transcended racial divisions—and the triumphs they have secured—are both genuine and well-documented. Yet true harmony does not arise from erasing differences but from embracing them. This understanding turns silence into eloquence and elevates the notion of belonging into an act of creative triumph.

A case in point: The historical approach and conclusions presented in El Hamel’s Black Morocco have faced resistance from some scholars, but they are widely embraced by those who prioritize social and epistemological justice, as well as the universality of fundamental moral principles

We are, therefore, confronting significant epistemic and linguistic challenges:

Epistemology involves language. The language we use to discuss concepts such as the "other" as a racial category is an inherent part of the epistemic field. This language includes words and concepts capable of expressing causal-historical meanings. Relationism in language—how words relate to the world—helps explain the behavior of variables and anaphors. Understanding this mechanism allows us to grasp the implicit references of terms like “‘abd” (black/slave) or “‘azzi” (black). The objective is to uncover the assumptions about the causality of race that underpin debates on racial inequalities and racist behavior. Daily acts of humiliation are manifestations of a systemic structure of racism that both produces and sustains them.

Epistemology is “the theory of knowledge.” It concerns the methods of what we know and how we know it, addressing questions about the nature and extent of knowledge, as well as the conditions under which a given idea is justified. Epistemology also engages with ethical and legal questions. For example: Was slavery legal under Islamic law? Is it ethical to endorse polygyny in Islam? The epistemological field is established to create norms and standards. As a normative framework, epistemology determines processes such as norming and labeling, representing and silencing, regulating and coding, as well as racializing and privileging. It shapes the structure of mainstream discourse, influencing visibility and mobility within hierarchies. This structure is molded by the dominant mode of discourse.

This project focuses primarily on the silenced histories of enslaved Black people—histories that remain excluded from school curricula.

Let’s talk about "race." The official Moroccan discourse often portrays slavery as a benign practice within an inclusive society. The concept of “race” in Morocco historically accepted the "other"—particularly Black individuals—into the Arab family as long as they had Arab ancestry, seemingly disregarding their other ethnic or "racial" affiliations. Given that Morocco was a patrilineal and patriarchal society, a father passed down his social status, ethnic kinship, and religion to his child, regardless of the mother’s status—whether she was non-Muslim, Amazigh, Black, or enslaved.

The Moroccan system of racial definition was inherently racialist (in concept) and racist (in practice) toward Black individuals, though it differed from the Western racist model. For example, under the American Jim Crow laws and the segregationist "one-drop rule," any amount of Black ancestry classified a person as Black. In contrast, the Moroccan model operated on a reverse principle: a single "drop" of Arab (white male) blood classified a person as Arab and, therefore, privileged. This absurd notion of the "one-drop rule" serves as a metaphor for miscegenation and the complexities of racial identity.

In the United States, slave codes dictated that the children of enslaved Black women were also enslaved, even if their fathers were white. These so-called "mulattoes" were considered Black and, therefore, enslavable. In contrast, the category of "mulatto" did not exist in Morocco, as the children of free fathers were considered free, regardless of their mothers' status. This system contributed to the creation of an Arab majority in Morocco while simultaneously marginalizing those with Black ancestry—specifically, those without the “one drop” of Arab blood.

The Moroccan conception of racial identity was not rooted in notions of purity but rather in Arab patrilineal descent. This framework facilitated assimilation by obscuring the diverse cultural and ethnic affiliations of non-Arab groups, thereby reinforcing Arab hegemony and political cohesion. Central to this process was the sanctification of Arabic as the language of the Qur’an, which further legitimized Arab cultural dominance. As a result, even those of mixed heritage experienced little conflict in asserting a singular Arab identity, as patrilineal lineage took precedence over other aspects of their ancestry. This racialized discourse, deeply ingrained in both assimilationist policies and cultural norms, systematically marginalized or erased the multiplicity of influences shaping individual and collective identities. By privileging Arab lineage above all else, it rendered alternative identifications invisible, silencing the complex histories and contributions of Black, West African, and other non-Arab communities within Moroccan society.

The construction of "Blackness" is the construction of race. Blackness emerged as a political and social racial category, defined primarily by skin color and applied to people of sub-Saharan African origin. Although most of these individuals had lighter complexions—ranging from tan to brown—they were still classified under the broad and homogenizing category of "Black."

Let's talk about racism: Racism was and remains a significant issue in society. It influences how individuals are treated and shapes their life outcomes. Many Western and African scholars argue that the concepts of race and racism originated in modern Western Europe. However, I contend that race and racism in North Africa and the Middle East are “pre-colonial” concepts. The racial dominance of “Arabness” and the marginalization of other ethnic groups in this region predate Western conceptualizations of race and racism.

One reason Arabs and Arabized societies, such as Morocco, view racism as a Euromodern and colonial construct is that it marked the first time they experienced being racialized or became victims of racism themselves. This is especially significant given that Arabs historically saw themselves as the center of the world.

What is the Hamitic Myth? Why did Arab Historians Use it? The Hamitic myth served as a political tool in the construction of race, becoming an important and convenient instrument for colonial regimes in Africa. Before European colonialism, Arab domination and the spread of Islam facilitated the assimilation of Christian and Jewish cultural and scriptural traditions. Early Judaic literature explicitly linked the Hamitic curse to blackness, framing it as a hereditary punishment for Ham’s descendants. This absurd myth spread throughout the Mediterranean alongside other Abrahamic traditions and persisted for centuries. From at-Tabari (d. 923 in Baghdad) to prominent figures such as Prince Henry the Navigator in Portugal, Napoleon in France, and even anthropologists like Charles Seligman (d. 1940 in England), it was wielded as a moral and divine justification for the colonial oppression and enslavement of Black peoples across the globe. As a foundational myth of racial hierarchies, it is imperative to understand the history and iterations of the myth of Ham.

The use of the Hamitic myth and its racist implications is an intriguing aspect of the religious and cultural history of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.

For more information on the Hamitic myth, see the full program on the ACMRS website:  https://www.throughlines.org/scholars/chouki-el-hamel . The program is hosted by the Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies.

This is why we need an interdisciplinary approach that is dynamic, rebellious, and creative—one that breaks rules, challenges norms, and encourages intellectual risk-taking. Such an approach, by embracing unfamiliar ideas and methods, can revitalize the field, making the past more meaningful and relevant. This interdisciplinary engagement offers fresh perspectives that deepen our grasp of historical events and their contemporary implications. Ultimately, this approach ensures that history remains a vital source of insight, warning, and inspiration for the present and future.

Slavery in the North African Context: The brutal realities of slavery—violent uprooting from homelands, forced separation from families, and traumatic displacement to distant lands—defined the harrowing existence of the first generation of enslaved people. Despite systematic efforts to dehumanize them and erase their identities, they resisted deracination at every turn. Across the continent, they forged new kinship bonds, rebuilt fractured communities, and preserved their cultural legacies in the face of unimaginable oppression.

In Africa, where slavery was not always tied to distinct racial markers, many formerly enslaved individuals and their descendants actively concealed this heritage due to persistent social stigma. Even when enslavement was an open secret—widely known but rarely acknowledged—silence prevailed as communities navigated the tension between memory and survival. Some truths remained unspoken, not out of ignorance, but as a deliberate strategy to protect dignity and social standing in societies where the legacy of bondage still carried shame.

As scholars, we must therefore navigate a dual imperative: to rigorously uncover the truths of slavery and its enduring legacies while ensuring that our work does not inflict harm on descendant communities. Though traditional research ethics were not designed for historical inquiry, we must still engage with this ethical complexity—balancing our duty as interpreters of the past with our responsibility to living generations.

Mawlay Isma‘il (reigned 1672–1727) understood that, as Sultan, it would be impossible to consolidate his authority and unite the country without a strong and loyal army. While organizing his forces, he consulted an influential scholar, Muhammad b. al-‘Ayyashi, asking which tribe would be best suited to provide recruits. Al-‘Ayyashi suggested that the slaves brought to Morocco through conquest from West Africa after the 1591 Sa‘di invasion of Songhay—who had previously served the Makhzan (central government)—might be ideal candidates, as they were still state-owned slaves. Mawlay Isma‘il was inspired to establish a black army when he traveled to Marrakech around 1673 to confront the revolt led by his nephew, Ibn Mahraz.

In this city, a government official known as ‘Alilish presented the Sultan with a register containing the names of black slaves who had served in the army of Sultan al-Mansur al-Sa‘di [r. 1578–1603] from the previous Sa'di dynasty. When the Sultan asked if any of them remained, ‘Alilish replied that they were still present, along with their children, scattered throughout the Marrakech region. He volunteered to gather them to serve the Sultan. Consequently, Mawlay Isma‘il commanded his officials to enslave all black individuals—not only by purchasing those already enslaved but also by enslaving those who were free and independent, including the Haratin. The operation appeared to begin in Marrakech, as the south was known to have a larger black population than the rest of the country. Complying with the Sultan’s orders, ‘Alilish succeeded in rounding up all black people in his area of Marrakech, whether they were slaves, free blacks, or Haratin.

All tribes and individuals had to cooperate with the Sultan’s officials in this project to remain on good terms with him. Blacks who were in someone’s possession were purchased at a price of 10 mithqals per person, whether male or female, while free blacks or Haratin were collected without payment to anyone. All were eventually taken to a camp called Mashra‘ ar-Ramla, located west of the capital city of Meknes. This enclave served as a training ground for the Sultan’s soldiers. Among the names given to the black army were ‘Abid ad-Diwan (slaves of the royal court), Jaysh al-Wisfan or Jaysh al-‘Abid (again, “slaves of the royal court” or “the slave army”), and Wisfan or ‘Abid as-Sultan (the Sultan’s slaves). However, the most famous and commonly used name was ‘Abid al-Bukhari. Official documents, such as the Daftar Mamalik as-Sultan Mawlay Isma‘il, which translates to "The Register of the Slaves of Sultan Mawlay Isma‘il," used these terms interchangeably.

The origin of the name "'Abid al-Bukhari:" When Sultan Mawlay Isma'il had assembled all the black soldiers and achieved his goal of securing their complete loyalty—thereby ending his dependence on tribal alliances—he presented them with a copy of Imam al-Bukhari’s collection of Hadith. He declared, “You are now slaves of the Prophet; follow what he commanded and avoid what he forbade.” He distributed copies of the book to each of their leaders, instructing them to safeguard it. This act led to them being known as ‘Abid al-Bukhari. According to the Moroccan historian an-Nasiri, Mawlay Isma‘il gathered the black leaders and proclaimed, “You and I are now servants of the Sunna [traditions] of the Prophet Muhammad and his law as contained in this book [of al-Bukhari]. We will practice what he prescribed and abstain from all that he forbade, and upon this, we will fight.” Through this declaration, Mawlay Isma‘il legitimized and solidified his authority over the black army by invoking a sacred object—the Sahih al-Bukhari, the second most important source of Islamic law after the Qur’an—as a witness to their oath. He further instructed them to carry copies of Sahih al-Bukhari into battle, much like the Ark of the Covenant carried by the Israelites during their wars. In this manner, the black army became known as ‘Abid al-Bukhari. Refer to Black Morocco, Chaper 3.

Comparative Loyalty: The Moroccan Army and the Ottoman Janissaries: Mawlay Isma‘il’s concept of a professional loyal army was influenced by the Ottoman Janissary model, though a comprehensive comparison of the two systems remains unexplored, likely due to limited research on Moroccan slavery. This study highlights historical evidence that enables such a comparison, contrasting it with the extensive literature on the Ottoman Empire and the Janissaries. Both models aimed to create armies devoted to the Sultan, with the corps serving as their home and the Sultan as a father figure. Each army symbolized loyalty through a spiritual pledge: the Moroccan army used sayings from Sahih al-Bukhari, while the Janissaries pledged through the Bektashi Sufi order. Both armies trained soldiers from a young age, but the Moroccan army also emphasized additional skills, particularly masonry.

This narrative delves deeper into the lives of Mbarek ‘Aliyya’s family, exploring the triumphs, struggles, and enduring bonds that have shaped their story across three generations. Mbarek ‘Aliyya, the patriarch, was a man of quiet strength and wisdom, whose values and legacy continue to influence his descendants. Mbarek was an individual maroon—a self-liberated man who had escaped bondage and carved out a new life for himself and his family. His eldest son, Abeid, born around 1912, faced the challenges of blindness with remarkable resilience. Despite his disability, Abeid became a respected figure in his community, renowned for his profound knowledge of the Qur'an. His three marriages reflect both his personal journey and the complexities of his life, marked by the loss of two of his children. For years, Abeid shouldered the responsibility of caring for his family, a testament to his unwavering determination and love.

Mouloud, born in 1936, led a life of both hardship and prosperity. He raised twelve children, two of whom he tragically lost. His story is one of perseverance, as he balanced the demands of a large family with the challenges of building a career. His sixth child, Mohamed, born in the late 1960s, carries the family’s legacy into the present. As a teacher in Marrakech, Mohamed embodies the importance of education and the pursuit of knowledge—values that have been passed down through the generations.

This narrative is not just a chronicle of individual lives but also a reflection of the broader social and cultural changes that have shaped their experiences. It highlights universal themes such as slavery, maroonage, love, loss, resilience, and the unbreakable bonds of family. Through their joys and sorrows, triumphs and challenges, the lives of Mbarek ‘Aliyya, Abeid, Mouloud, and Mohamed offer a poignant and deeply human portrait of a family navigating the passage of time.

This richly layered narrative will soon be available, inviting readers to step into their world and witness the enduring power of family and tradition. It is important to note that Mouloud was a founding member of the Gnawa Association of Tizounine, a detail that further enriches his legacy and connection to his community.

What is Gnawa Music? Gnawa acts as a refuge and a form of resistance against cultural discrimination, preserving its practices, heritage, and voice. It connects Moroccans to African ancestry and counters the alienation of being part of an "ambiguous black culture."

Gnawa music is a powerful expression of humanity, combining healing and rebellion, with each rhythm and melody embodying historical significance and freedom. Its transformative power bridges generations, linking past, present, and future, while cultivating beauty and resilience.

A collection of documents intended for use by the scholarly community and the general public. This collection is offered as a tool to enhance the academic understanding of the Maghrib's historical-geographical development and corresponding sociocultural complexity. By publishing the collection in open access format, the project seeks to inspire other scholarly inquiries such as mapping the archival silences on trans-Saharan slave trade, slavery and race.

**Publication of these documents is forthcoming**

•  Letter of Mawlay Isma'il to the Scholars of Egypt 
•  Fatwa of al-'Arabi Burdula vs. Slavery in Morocco 
•  Nineteenth Century Description of Slaves 
•  Tanbih ahl at-Tughyan Moroccan Anti-Black Racism 
•  Catalog of Slaves in Timbuktu Library 
•  On Slavery Project Morocco Jany al-Azhar 
•  Register of Slaves (Daftar) Morocco 

All documents will be available for viewing and download as PDFs via  Arizona State University Library's   KEEP Repository Services .

A Note on Early European Maps of Africa: In the 16th century, Leo Africanus (al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi), a Moroccan-Andalusi diplomat and author, became renowned for his book Descrittione dell’Africa (Description of Africa). This work provided detailed accounts of the geography, culture, and politics of North Africa and was widely read in Europe, significantly shaping European perceptions of Africa during the Renaissance. Leo Africanus influenced European map-making. His descriptions of North and West Africa, based on his extensive travels, became one of the most authoritative sources for European geographers and cartographers. His work was incorporated into early modern atlases, such as the above map of Abraham Ortelius's Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570), which featured updated and more accurate maps of Africa based on Leo Africanus's insights.

Bibliographic Origin Story:  This bibliography was used in Black Morocco, which focuses on slavery, race, gender, and the construction of identity .

De-Constructing the Maghrib: A StoryMap on Demonstrating the Maghrib's Africanity focuses primarily on the project to racialize slavery, as implemented by Mawlay Isma'il, and its legacy in contemporary discourse and lived realities. This "legacy" is not confined to abstract debate; it manifests in the enduring weight of racial heritage on individuals and societal structures. Racism today is no anomaly—it is the direct consequence of centuries-old systems of power and exclusion. This connection is starkly illustrated in the important work of activist scholars such as Mhani Alaoui, Leslie Gross-Wyrtzen, Mehdi Alioua, and Isabella Alexander-Nathani. I draw here on Isabella Alexander-Nathani’s most recent work  Burning at Europe’s Borders , which documents the plight of hundreds of thousands of migrants and refugees trapped in North Africa’s hidden forest camps and abandoned detention centers. The book’s title draws from the Arabic word “ḥrig” (illegal immigration), literally meaning “burning”—a brutal metaphor for the act of destroying one’s identity papers to escape detection during the desperate flight toward a better life.

The ethics of digitally researching slavery and emancipation remain contentious, particularly in representing enslaved individuals publicly. While digital projects can enhance public engagement, spur scholarly innovation, and advance education, they also risk reducing enslaved people to dehumanized data points. A key ethical tension arises between naming individuals—an act of symbolic reparation—and preserving anonymity to protect descendants’ privacy.

The overall project is a call to action for more work within this framework, specifically projects aimed at reconceptualizing the Maghrib geographically and socially as an integral part of the African continent. On this topic, see "Black Power, Jazz Ambassadors, and the African Maghrib in Revolutionary Times During the 1960s," in American Studies. Open access:  https://amst.winter-verlag.de/article/amst/2024/3/12.