Mapping Los Angeles Landscape History
The Indigenous Landscape
Disclaimer
This StoryMap, produced and published by the LA Landscape History Research Group (LALAH), is provided solely for educational purposes and may not be used for official use of any kind, including, without limitation, for use in determining tribal territories or cultural affiliation, for decisions regarding repatriation or reinterment, for determining consultation requirements, or for obtaining recognition. While representatives of certain tribes did participate in this project, it is NOT an official representation by those tribes. Further, it includes representations of territories and cultural heritage shared by many tribal organizations who did not participate in its production.
The information contained herein, including maps, text, and videos, therefore, must not be used for official or legal purposes without the consent of the respective tribal representatives whose territories and cultural heritage are treated herein. Village and trail locations are approximations and require further explanation from relevant tribal officials. Please remember that some information will remain confidential in order to protect tribal cultural resources, to limit cultural appropriation, and to avoid other common offenses. Please contact the appropriate tribes for official information.
The contents of this StoryMap and associated report reflect the views of the authors, who are responsible for the facts and the accuracy of the information presented herein. The spatial information represented in this StoryMap and associated report was derived from a variety of sources. Care was taken in the creation of the maps and layers provided in this report and associated online sources, but they are provided “as is.” The authors and their associated institutions cannot accept any responsibility for errors, omissions, or positional accuracy in the digital data or underlying records. There are no warranties, expressed or implied, including the warranty of merchantability or fitness for a particular purpose, accompanying any of these products.
Introduction
The natural landscape of Los Angeles supports all Angelenos. Our beaches and mountains, oceans and rivers, grasses and trees, coyotes, pumas, and birds surround us and provide us with beauty and resources for living. Before the arrival of Spanish settlers to Los Angeles, Indigenous peoples of what is now Los Angeles County cared for the natural world—the trees, flowerfields, scrublands, wetlands, estuaries, and the fisheries—using fire management, cultivation, tending, and pruning for over 10,000 years. In other words, the so-called “natural” landscape of Los Angeles that we appreciate today was shaped by a thousand generations of Native peoples. The healthy condition of this ecology was an “Indigenous landscape.” With the arrival of European colonists the original peoples and cultures would be nearly eradicated, and a megacity arose by the 20th century, covering waterways, wetlands, flowerfields, scrublands, and woodlands with concrete. Much survives today, however. of both the Indigenous ecology and the Indigenous peoples who never ceded these landscapes nor ceased to care for them.
Representatives of three tribes – Chumash, Tataviam, and Gabrieleño – along with university geographers, historians and biologists, have blended Indigenous and scientific knowledge to reconstruct, through maps, stories, analyses, and modeling, the natural environment and cultural landscapes of the region as they thrived before massive urbanization. Made possible by the John Randolph Haynes and Dora Haynes Foundation, this StoryMap and the extensive final report, Mapping Los Angeles Landscape History: The Indigenous Landscape (2023), are available now for everyone as a resource to help us look into the ancient past of our natural world, and to support our collective efforts to better care for it, to restore it where possible, and to plan for a more sustainable future.
Contents and Navigation
Our presentation is divided into two main sections. First are detailed descriptions of the Indigenous village areas that are the focus of the study. Second, We present the thematic historical maps and analyses. Each section of this StoryMap can be accessed directly by clicking on the village name or analysis section on the banner at the top of the screen from any part of the StoryMap. If you wish to explore the main map layers we have produced, click here .
Six ancient village areas of the Los Angeles region were chosen at the outset of this study for intensive interdisciplinary study, within a general study of the historical ecology of the entire region. This map shows each village surrounded by a one-mile radius, within which we mapped the Indigenous landscape at the 10-meter scale. Our investigation of the Chumash village of himaliwo expanded to include topaŋa at its inland location and its associated lagoon. The intensive study area around Shevaanga, a capital village of the Gabrieleño people, was expanded to embrace an associated cluster of villages.
Summary of natural and cultural features of the Indigenous landscape from the current project and previous mapping efforts, including studies covering the San Gabriel River Watershed ( Stein et al. 2007 ), Ballona Watershed ( Dark et al. 2010 ), Elysian Valley ( Longcore 2016 ), and Santa Clara River, Ventura River, and Oxnard Plain ( Beller et al. 2011 ). Layers include ancient roads and tomol and ti'at routes, blue line water features from USGS topographic maps, and an extended potential natural vegetation map building on Ethington et al. (2020).
Yaanga
Andy Salas on Yaanga and Mowanga 2023
Yaanga was a sprawling Indigenous village located in the shade of oak, walnut, and sycamore trees in the foothills and upland terraces overlooking the Los Angeles River. Located at an ideal point on the river, it was seized in 1781 by the Spanish for the Pueblo of Los Angeles and now lies within the center of today's global metropolis. Yaanga was near a major water source, yet situated uphill from the riverbed to avoid flooding, and was embedded within an ecosystem that harbored woodlands and coastal sage scrub. Yaanga was dominated by extensive woodland (oak and walnut). Importantly, the density of the woodland may have been that of savanna (< 30% tree cover, given the location was near the drier south facing slope of present-day Elysian Park (location of Dodger Stadium). Other important features of Yaanga were riparian forest and wash, which was widespread in the Elysian Valley, just north of the village site. In the Uto-Aztecan dialect, Yaanga means the place of the poison oak, identifying the riparian and woodland habitats that existed within the indigenous landscape. The riparian conditions likely harbored many resources — food, water, mineral, medicine, and wood — for individuals from Yaanga. Further, Yaanga was likely located on the western terrace overlooking the river, which may have been strategically important. Yaanga was an important commerce location for trade goods with their transport being funneled into this village then exported to other villages within the LA Basin and then to tribes beyond. The dominant flow of the Los Angeles River in the southern end of the Elysian Valley flowed from northwest to southeast, thus carrying floodwaters and alluvial deposits away from the village site and protecting the location to exist for commerce and community needs for thousands of years.
This map, built from 1920s data, reveals the historical topography and natural vegetation within the vicinity of the village of Yaanga. which occupied a large oak forest on the lower terrace of land above the LA River, on the west bank.
Comparison of 1920s Photomosaic with 2022 Imagery. The left-hand pane shows the state of Yaangna's local landscape in the 1920s. At the very center of the metropolitan region, it was already very densely urbanized, and yet many traces of the Indigenous landscape are visible. Note the course of the Los Angeles River was not yet contained by the massive concrete channel constructed in the 1930s by the Army Corps of Engineers.
humaliwo
The village of humaliwo (today’s Malibu) was located on the low bluffs overlooking the estuary and beach of Malibu Lagoon. During the Spanish colonial period (1769–1821) records show about 150 Chumash residents.
Situated on a rough, isolated coastline, accessible only by routes from the main inland road (today’s Highway 101), humaliwo was a capital village and principal port, a hub for goods traveling between the interior (San Fernando Valley, San Gabriel Valley) to the coastline and southern Channel Islands.
As a placename, humaliwo has been interpreted in a number of ways by both Native and non-Native persons. For a better understanding of humaliwo, we will provide context for a deeper understanding.
Chumash Language Family
There are 6 languages within the "Chumashan" language family. Once believed to be part of the Hokan family, it is now understood to be a linguistic isolate unrelated to any other language in North America. "Chumashan" is one of the estimated 31 isolates among North American Indigenous languages.
Very little was recorded for the Cuyama region, but it is believed to have been an area where dialects of the Barbareño and Inezeño languages were spoken, as opposed to a seventh distinct language.
Our language comes from the land. Within the "Ventureño Chumash" language there were many dialects, conditioned by the watersheds and rugged contours. When the Spanish centralized our ancestors at the Missions, these dialects lost vitality. At Mission San Buenaventura, the "Coast Ventureño" dialect prevailed, as it was spoken through the Spanish, Mexican and America periods. We are revitalizing our language and, to avoid the Mission designation, we honor the original placename where the Mission was built, mitsqanaqan̓. This means "place of the chin."
Let’s move to the southeastern edge of the language family, to the humaliwo region.
humaliwo dialect
Linguist Madison Beeler proposed that humaliwo could mean "Place where the surf sounds loudly all the time." We understand the root verb -iwo because it has a cognate, -iwon, 'to sound,' in the "Coast Ventureño" dialect. Given the lack of information on the humaliwo dialect, it is difficult to say what the other word parts (morphemes) mean. Considering this limitation, we feel it’s better to admit that we truly do not know. There certainly is little to suggest "the surf," or "loudly all the time."
humaliwo Marriage Ties
With few exceptions, the Chumash from humaliwo married other Chumash mostly from within the humaliwo - Malibu and ts̓apwǝ - Conejo Valley dialects. Given its position at the far eastern edge of Chumash territory and given its central position in an extensive trails and trade network, one might expect the humaliwo to marry with their non-Chumash neighbors in the region—the Tataviam and Gabrielino.
Interestingly, however, few of those marriages occurred. Instead, the humaliwo married other Chumash along the coast and in the interior of the Santa Monica Mountains to the west and northwest. Along the coast the humaliwo intermarried with persons from the villages of sumo, lisiqsihi, loxostoxn̓i, and muwu. In the interior, the humaliwo intermarried with Chumash from sumow̓awa, ta'l̓opop, tsʰipuk, huwam, ta’apu, and ts̓apwǝ. Marriages external to the ts̓apwǝ and humaliwo dialect areas include muwu, liyam, huya, kasił, Apenga, & Momonga. Chumash Intermarriages maintained social and political relations among the Chumash and between the Chumash and their neighbors.
Distribution Routes
“…humaliwo was capital—quiet water on coast of humaliwo, and many good trails leading inland through the mountains to San Fernando and Calleguas.” -kitsepawit (Fernando Librado), 1913
humaliwo was a bustling port, a hub. The Chumash and neighboring Gabrielino seemed to focus on distribution of goods to ensure a good standard of life for all. Goods and products were distributed from islands and sea to the interior and vise/versa. All items going inland were carried by foot, as our societies had no horses or wheeled vehicles. It is possible that a system of relays aided the inland distribution. By ocean, navigators worked with the currents and conditions to transport goods in their tomoł.
The tomoł (in Gabrieleño culture, ti’aat), is an innovative watercraft borne of necessity. With a scarcity of local trees suitable for dugouts, our ancestors invented the sewn-plank tomoł. Lashed with cordage and sealed with a natural epoxy fashioned from tar and resins, the tomoł was a well designed freighter, well suited for the ocean.
humaliwo ecology
Overlooking Malibu Lagoon, at the terminus of the Malibu Creek Watershed, the village of humaliwo was ideally situated to engage with the ebb and flow of seasonal changes in the mountains and sea. Due to its mild Mediterranean climate and complex geology and topography, the Santa Monica Mountains are home to an exceptionally high density of rare, sensitive, and endemic species--all of which the people of humaliwo interacted with in one way or another.
The lagoon was a closing estuary system , wherein the annual accumulation of sediments and sand at the river’s mouth would periodically close the estuary off from the open ocean in summer and fall, creating a freshwater lagoon. Each winter, rains would overtake the barrier, reconnecting Malibu Creek to the sea.
Flora and vegetation were highly varied, encompassing alkali meadow, salt marsh, dune scrub, significant riparian forest dominated by willows and sycamore , surrounding by mosaic woodland-grasslands that would have been culturally burned to promote growth of annual species tended for their seeds such as wild onions, mariposa lilies, chia, pentachaeta, and native grasses. Old growth black walnut, toyon, and coast live oaks would have towered over the grasslands, giving way to coastal sage scrub and chaparral on the mountain flanks.
Though the range has been seriously impacted by centuries of colonization, humaliwo and the Santa Monica Mountains retain global biological significance and represent some of the most extensive examples of the Mediterranean Biome remaining in North America.
Let’s take the main trail from humaliwo inland to ta’l̓opop, stopping at kats̓ǝkhǝnǝn along the way.
kats̓ǝkhǝnǝn - "The Pine"
"There are still pinos arriba en la sierra there" -Juan José Menéndez , 1916
The natural presence of pine trees was never scientifically recorded in the Santa Monica Mountains. According to the official Flora of the Santa Monica Mountains there are no native pine trees, however, our placename tells differently. Juan Menendez’s use of the word "still" may imply they were on the decline in his day. Maybe due to climatic changes, yet much of the landscape had been damaged and altered through colonization as well.
Coulter pines on Pine Ridge near Santa Barbara.
It is thought kats̓ǝkhǝnǝn refers to multiple pines (Bishop Pine, Coulter Pine, Gray Pine, and Torrey Pine). Today, Bishop and Coulter pines flourish in the mountains, but there are populations of pines which may be studied with modern scientific methods to distinguish whether or not its population is geographically unique. Future inquiries may lead to a more intimate understanding of our past, while helping us navigate our future.
ta’l̓opop
The meaning of ta’l̓opop is unknown. Placenames can often remain static old forms of language as everyday used language evolves.
The village of ta’l̓opop is one of the oldest villages known in the Santa Monica Mountains, with dates reaching back at least 8,000 years. Common components of village life include middens, refuse piles containing food waste, and broken tools. Over time, these can become quite deep. Limited excavations of the middens at ta’l̓opop clearly show its connection to humaliwo and the astonishing variety of seafood eaten there and likely other inland villages.
The table below lists species of fish excavated from middens at ta’l̓opop. National Park Service archaeologist Austin Ringelstein shares, "the most prevalent sharks found at ta’l̓opop were Angel Shark, Horn Shark, and Soupfin. But... sardines and anchovies were the main course!"
Different fish by Minimum Number of Individuals (Johnson 1982, Table 12.4)
The extent of the historical floodplain is easily visible in the 1877 Coast Survey map of humaliwo. The sinuous route of what was labeled at that time "Malaga Creek" shows the influence of the west-to-east longshore flow of the current that built the barrier dune to enclose the estuary. In earlier centuries, the creek flowed further west, and the estuary would have been open much more to the ocean, gradually filling in with sediment to create the conditions encountered by the Europeans.
Note the buildings that existed when this map was made.
Many of the historical features of the humaliwo lagoon are still visible in the 1920s aerial photographs, as seen in the side-by-side comparison with contemporary imagery. The creation of Pacific Coast Highway permanently affected the natural movements of Malibu Creek and reduced the area that would be periodically scoured out by floodwaters after winter rains.
Upstream, the Rindge Dam, had significant ecological impacts on the watershed. It has impeded natural sediment flow and aquatic migration, leading to sediment accumulation behind the dam and depletion downstream, affecting beach nourishment processes at Malibu's coast. The dam has been particularly detrimental to steelhead trout populations, a threatened species. While the Rindge Dam was constructed with specific anthropocentric goals, its presence has significantly disrupted the natural processes and health of Malibu Creek and its inhabitants, including humans.
Links to learn more and support health
topaŋa
Six miles downcoast sits the southeastern-most village of topaŋa.
At many bordering Chumash places, our neighbors add their familiar -ŋa (-nga) placename suffix. For example, kas̓elewŋa ("the tongue" (Castle Rock)) humaliwoŋa (humaliwo (Malibu)) & suumoŋa (sumo (Zuma)).
top(a) is our native cane grass (Phragmites australis subsp. americanus) a relative of the southern arundo, which has had a negative effect on the top(a) population.
At topaŋa, a narrow riparian corridor was surrounded by a mosaic of coast live oak and California black walnut woodlands, with upper ridges and steep slopes covered by chaparral. Following the creek south to the ocean, the riparian forest of sycamores and willows widened as the stream gradient lessened. Coastal sage scrub, grasslands, and flower fields covered lower slopes, and were managed similarly to the humaliwo flora. Approaching Topanga Lagoon, areas of open water and freshwater marsh were inland and interspersed with coastal dune scrub, crossed by the creek outflow to the sea during the rainy season.
Inland routes & future of place
Archaeology tells us the citizens of topaŋa moved up and down the watershed, perhaps seasonally. This route was the quickest way to get from coast to valley. Most pertinent in this network, the Fernandeño village of Siutcanga (today’s Encino.)
As with humaliwo, the Pacific Coast Highway (PCH) and development impacted the health of the estuary at topaŋa, harming the creeks natural flow, water quality and sediments. The urban runoff added pollutants, further harming native plants and animals, including humans.
Please learn more and love the land. Find out what small steps you can take to ensure health of place for all our relations.
Siutcanga
Siutcanga, Achoicominga, and the Lineages of Tataviam and Fernandeño
Siutcanga was located along the upper course of the Los Angeles River near present day Encino Park. The location was near a freshwater source in the form of a perennial spring that still feeds the pond at the site and was embedded within a mosaic of coastal sage scrub and associated woodland ecosystem. It was located at the junction of ancient roads crossing the region: Where trails winding north-south through the Santa Monica Mountains toward the Pacific Ocean meet the trails running east-west (along the course of the present-day Ventura Freeway) connected the Chumashan villages along the Santa Barbara Channel with Uto-Aztecan vklages of the San Fernando Valley.
Fernandeño Tataviam Band of Mission Indians invite you to hear their story of Siutcanga
Siutcanga ecology
Distinct from other village sites was the presence of California grasslands and flower fields, which was an ecosystem type prevalent throughout the San Fernando Valley due to a rain shadow effect of the Santa Monica Mountains. In addition to other important plants (Coast Live Oak, Valley Oak, Chia, Blue Elderberry, cactus), which were all within the area of Siutcanga, the grasslands may have harbored important plants such as deergrass (Muhlenbergia rigens) and distinct animals that may have been preferable for hunting such as pronghorn.
Historical topography and vegetation in the vicinity of the village of Siutcanga. The change in the underlying topographic depiction from west to east (left to right) reflects different methods used to reconstruct the historical digital elevation model.
Comparison of 1920s photomosaic of the Siutcanga area with 2022 imagery.
Achoicomenga
Tataviam, A Village Based People, presented by Pamela Villaseñor. Excerpt of video co-produced by the Fernandeño Tataviam Band of Mission Indians and the Los Angeles County Natural History Museum
Achoicomenga was located in the northern portions of the San Fernando Valley. The village site was likely the drier and hotter than Siutcanga, but was near the mouth of Tujunga Canyon and the Big Tujunga Creek. The location was near the steep foothills of the San Gabriel Mountains (where deep mountain water emerged in perennial springs) and also near riparian wash (or alluvial scrub habitat) due to the alluvial deposits of Big Tujunga Creek. Alluvial scrub is distinct in that it harbors plants of both chaparral and coastal sage scrub ecosystems. Additional plants of the alluvial scrub and adjacent chaparral ecosystems (in the foothills and mountains) including Chaparral Yucca (Hesperoyucca whipplei) (all parts of the plant were used, from edible fruits and flowers to fibers), Yerba Mansa (Anemopsis californica), and Yerba Santa (Eriodictyon crassifolium) (both medicinal plants), and white sage (Salvia apiana – similar uses to Chia).
Historical topography and vegetation in the vicinity of the village of Achoicomenga.
Comparison of 1920s Photomosaic of Achoicomenga with 2022 Imagery
Shevaanga
Shevaanga (also Sibagna) was located in the present-day Whittier Narrows, at the confluence of the Rio Hondo and San Gabriel Rivers. Shevaanga was generally dominated by coastal sage scrub, which was common in the uplands of the Montebello Hills (current name and location) and terraces that overlooked the village site. Intertwined within the coastal sage scrub, especially on the north slopes of the Montebello Hills, were coast live oak (Quercus agrifolia) and California black walnut (Juglans californica) woodlands. The two dominant trees of the woodlands (oaks and walnuts) were critical resources for Shevaanga. Additionally, within the woodlands and coastal sage scrub were other plants that were important to the Indigenous peoples of Shevaanga, including blue elderberry (Sambucus cerulea), soaproot (Chlorogalum pomeridianum), yerba santa (Eriodictyon crassifolium) chaparral pricklypear (Opuntia oricola), and various sages (e.g., Chia, Salvia columbariae). The location of Shevaanga i.e., confluence of two major rivers, was strategically important as the site harbored alluvial strata deposited by winter floods. In the Uto-Aztecan dialect, Shevaanga means the place of the stones, identifying the the alluvial deposits i.e., rocks, that were tools used for food preparation, cooking, building, and ceremonial purposes. Further, the location was situated at the confluence of major waterways which provided for persistent water and a bountiful assembly of riparian forests, river wash, woodlands, upland grasslands and coastal sage scrub habitats. Red Willows (Salix laevigata), California Sycamore (Platanus racemosa), and Fremont Cottonwood (Populus fremontii) were located throughout the village site and served numerous purposes for housing (willows) canoes and paddles (cottonwood), and burial site markers (sycamore).
The historical topography and vegetation communities within the vicinity of the village of Shevaanga.
Tribal Chairman Andy Salas (Kizh Nation, Gabrieleño Band of Mission Indians)
This is where we came from... Tribal Chairman Andy Salas discusses the Creator, People, Landscape, and Resources
Matthew Teutimez, Tribal Biologist, and Andy Salas, Tribal Chairman (Kizh Nation: Gabrieleño Band of Mission Indians) – Waters and Oasis
Matthew Teutimez on fruits and bramble: elderberry, grapes, and roses
Matthew Teutimez on gourds and musical instruments
Matthew Teutimez on cochineal insects and cactus.
Andy Salas and Matthew Teutimez at Weniinga, near Shevaanga.
Andy Salas on the bird calls of Chief Ernest Perez Teutimez Salas
Comparison of 1920s photomosaic of the location of Shevaanga and its surroundings with 2022 imagery.
Povuu'nga
Povuu’nga was located in an area that was dominated by coastal sage scrub but was near the mouth of the San Gabriel River, and therefore was in close proximity to riparian forest, marshes – including both fresh and saltwater marshes – and intertidal and open ocean conditions. But the village site itself was in an upland area overlooking the river and marshes on a prominent coastal bluff. In the Uto-Aztecan dialect, Povuu'nga means the place of the ball, identifying the cottony seed parts produced by willow and cottonwood trees within the riparian habitats that existed during the indigenous landscape period. These rivers, creeks, and marshes were important for resource acquisition (e.g., water, food, medicine, materials) with the upland location probably selected to avoid flooding that would have been common on this river as it was the major watershed of the region. This location also holds a place of significance to the native peoples in that it provided a location for teaching by Chinigchinich who taught first in the town of Povuu’nga.
Many years, and perhaps ages, having expired since the death of Ouiot, there appeared in the same town of Pubuna, one called Ouiamot," son of Tacu and Auzar. I imagine that this new character was not, or, at least, his parents were not inhabitants of the place, but had originated in some distant land. The said Ouiamot did not appear like Ouiot, as a warrior, but as a God. To him they were to offer presents. And this was the God Chinigchinich, so feared, venerated, and respected by the Indians, who taught first in the town of Pubuna, and afterwards in all the neighboring parts, explaining the laws, and establishing the rites and ceremonies necessary to the preservation of life.
–Excerpt from A HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN, CUSTOMS, AND TRADITIONS OF THE INDIANS AT THE MISSIONARY ESTABLISHMENT OF ST. JUAN CAPISTRANO, ALTA-CALIFORNIA BY THE REVEREND FATHER FRIAR GERONIMO BOSCANA.
How Povuu'nga got its name, by Matthew Teutimez, Tribal Biologist of the Kizh Nation
Background on the Kizh Nation and its name and from Christina Swindall Martinez.
Extended clip of Tribal Biologist Matthew Teutimez providing an overview of the ecology of Povuu'nga.
Comparison of 1920s Photomosaic with 2022 Imagery
Investigations
Ancient Roads
By at least three thousand years ago, the region’s Indigenous had inscribed their settlements into the islands and the mainland landscapes by the sea, along perennial springs and streams, and within the ancient oak groves. Trade networks assured plenty in good times and subsistence in hard times. Villages developed trade and alliance networks to match their own micro-environments to others, to exchange when fortunes rose and fell in their respective places in this ecologically diverse region.
Seafaring Chumashans and Uto-Aztecans landed seafood at the port villages like Povuu'nga and humaliwo. Evidence at talepop, a village 11 kilometers inland on the Topanga Canyon route from the port village of humaliwo, found “soupfin shark; mako shark; angel shark; bat ray; sea lion; blue shark; horn shark; sardine; shovelnose guitarfish; albacore [tuna]; seven gill shark; mussels; clams; anchovy; and halibut.” Even sites far inland show evidence of steady seafood trade with the coastal villages over the centuries.
Regional indigenous roads, pre-Hispanic period, reconstructed from archival maps, historical texual sources, Indigenous tribal memory, archaeological evidence of ancent village locations, and computer modeling of "least cost paths. Chumshan village names are shown in red labels with black dots. Takic Uto-Axtecan villages are shown in blue labels and brown dots. Cartography by P. Ethington and D. Gandy for LALAH, 2023.
All cultural landscapes are historical. The Ancient Roads that we have reconstructed should not be seen as timeless. They are based on evidence mainly drawn from the past 500 years, and mostly since European invaders recorded their locations in the late 18th century. Many changes have occurred even since that time. Archaeological evidence of village locations and trade items indicates that most of these very roads already thrived at least 2,500 years ago, so they are indeed ancient. But they were always dynamic, the flow of people, goods, and information changing with historical conditions. The uses of certain roads rose and fell as trade networks shifted or collapsed. Within the region, over any given century, the specific map of trade relations between a given pair of villages would have varied by the strength of ties between the leaders and villagers in those generations. Much depended on marriage and arrangements made at seasonal inter-village ceremonies. Changes in trade flows were also punctuated any given century due to political and environmental crises occurring in other regions.
Ancient long-distance roads from Southern California to the greater Southwest and Mesoamerica. Cartography by P. Ethington, 2023.
The Los Angeles regional communities normally engaged in very long distance trade to the Colorado Plateau, which was integral to the world-system of Mesoamerica States from Teotihuacan (0-500 CE) to Tula (Toltec) 700-1150 CE) and the Mexica (Aztec) Empire (1325-1521 CE). During the two centuries from 1150 to 1350, the Medieval Climate Anomaly coincided with a protracted upheaval, which saw widespread warfare along all major trade routes, after the collapse of Tula and the Toltec system. Climate stress in all areas underlay a “Time of Troubles,” in which the Southern California network turned inward.
Changes in trade accelerated after invading Europeans disrupted ancient North American systems of exchange after 1500. The introduction of horses of the 1600s and 1700s led to the rise of new interior trading and raiding powers among the Comanches, Apaches, and Yokuts and the shifting of territorial control over the main routes into and out of Southern California across the Colorado. By the late 1700s, when our direct evidence begins, there were three main highways across the deserts that isolate the Southern California region from the Great Basin and the Greater Southwest to the East. The Mojave, Maricopa and Halchidoma Trails all connected the Los Angeles region to the Colorado River. Eastward from the Colorado River, several very ancient roads had served for thousands of years to carry Southern California shell beads, tar (brea), abalone, and other goods eastward, in return for red ochre, fired-clay pottery, bracelets, blankets, and other goods into the region.
We hope that the production of this new regional map of ancient roads will help the general public to appreciate the deep historical past of the region, cities, and neighborhoods in which they live and the roads on which they travel, as a continuum owing to the Indigenous founders of the region. Please see " Report " link in the menu above (use arrow to the right of the ribbon), for a complete explanation of sources and methods used to reconstruct the ancient roadways of the region.
Historical Topography
Topography is fundamental to understanding landscapes, but the Los Angeles region has been highly modified both for water management and to accommodate urban development and transportation infrastructure. Historical maps of topography exist but do not provide data in a form that can be used for modern models and visualizations. Our team used sophisticated image recognition tools and an international volunteer effort to extract the elevations of over fifteen million individual points located on historical topographic maps to create the first-ever digital elevation model of the Los Angeles Basin from Ventura County to Orange County.
USGS 1:24,000 Map Mosaic
Historical topography was derived from the earliest 1:24,000 topographic maps produced by the U.S. Geological Survey, which are stitched together into a composite layer here.
Mosaic of USGS Los Angeles County historical topographic maps
Reconstructed Topography
From a combination of points extracted from the historical topographic maps, and points collected more recently in areas outside the available effort for the project, a composite historical topographic map was created that shows the Los Angeles Basin's plains, hills, mountains, rivers, and washes without freeways and the massive flood control infrastructure and reservoirs that were to come.
The historical Digital Elevation Model (DEM) allows visualization of the Los Angeles landscape before major channelization of the rivers and the extensive grading for freeways and hillside development.
Historical Aerials
Aerial photography was started consistently in the 1920s in Los Angeles and images from that era are extremely useful in visualizing and understanding landscape features that were present before urbanization. A full-county set of images from 1928 had been previously scanned and are available at UC Santa Barbara , but not scaled and oriented so they could be placed on a map and compared with contemporary features. Our team created a mosaic of these images, located them in geographic space, and linked them together into a continuous map image layer encompassing the Los Angeles Basin, Santa Monica Mountains, and into the foothills of the valleys covering 1,745 square miles. Explore this layer in the split-screen below. Your starting point is Shevaanga.
Aerial photographs from 1928 digitized and archived by the UC Santa Barbara Library that have now been georeferenced and moasaicked as part of this project.
Historical Water Features
Our team digitized all the rivers, lakes, streams, wetlands, ponds, and other water features on the 1920s and earlier U.S. Geological Survey topographic maps. These lines can now be overlaid on contemporary maps to reveal the location of buried streams, filled wetlands, and water features that have persisted through time. Below are the blue lines from the 1:62,500 series from 1896–1903, followed by the 1:24,000 series dating from the 1924–1941.
1:62,500 Series (1896-1903)
The 1:62,500 series topographic maps show a greater extent of natural water-associated features, but at somewhat lower resolution than then later maps. Please note that coastal estuary features were not digitized because higher resolution data from the U.S. Coast Survey are available to fill in those areas.
1:24,000 Series (1924-1941)
Historical Water Features from historical 1:24,000 topographic maps from the 1920s through 1940s.
Comparison Between 1896–1903 and 1924–1941
Channelization and filling of streams and water features is clear from a comparison between the maps from the two time periods. Future efforts will continue the digitizing of the 1:24,000 series maps to cover areas not reached in this project. Coastal estuaries were not digitized for the 1:62,500 series.
Historical Bird Distributions
The nature that would have been found across the Los Angeles region has been altered dramatically by urbanization. To understand what bird species would have been found at our focal villages and what species have declined and increased, our team used nest location records from museum collections and our previously developed potential natural vegetation map to predict historical bird species composition. Some groups of species have declined nearly to extirpation, such as those associated with grassland, while others have been more resilient in the face of urbanization.
Grassland and Coastal Sage Scrub Birds
A) Graph depicting the positive relationship between the Loggerhead Shrike (Lanius ludovicianus), based on an occupancy modeling routine, and the proportion of grassland and coastal sage scrub habitat. (B) The Loggerhead Shrike was historically common throughout all lowlands in the region that had either grassland, coastal sage scrub, or importantly, a mixture of the two. (C) The Loggerhead Shrike has seen a drastic decrease in its breeding range primarily due to the reduction in its preferred habitat types. Illustration credit: Tim Worfolk.
Riparian Forest and Wash Birds
(A) Graph depicting the strong positive relationship between the Yellow-billed Cuckoo (Coccyzus americanus), based on an occupancy modeling routine, and the proportion of riparian forest and wash. (B) The historical distribution of the cuckoo was highest along the Los Angeles and San Gabriel Rivers, as well as the Arroyo Seco. (C) The Yellow-billed Cuckoo has been extirpated from the region due to the near total loss of its preferred habitat, riparian gallery forest, due to the channelization of the major rivers and washes that used to flow freely from the mountains, through the valleys, and to the ocean.
Freshwater Marsh and Lake Birds
(A) Graph depicting the strong positive relationship between the Tricolored Blackbird and the proportion of freshwater marshes and lakes, based on an occupancy modeling routine. (B) The historical distribution of the birds was highest in the Ballona Area, as well as wetlands in Compton and Long Beach, which were near the flows of the Los Angeles and San Gabriel Rivers. (C) The distribution of the birds has shifted based on the 1995–1999 Breeding Bird Atlas Survey. Tricolored Blackbirds have been severely reduced in number in the region. The number of cells (the Breeding Bird Atlas grids visible in the maps) occupied during the historical and contemporary times has decreased from 15 to 6 (2.5x less). Further, the location of occupied wetlands has shifted, which reflects the heavily managed water system of the region.
Foothill Valley and Woodland Birds
(A) Graph depicting the positive relationship between the Anna’s Hummingbird and the proportion of foothill valley and woodland habitat, based on an occupancy modeling routine. (B) The historical distribution of the Anna’s Hummingbird was focused on the foothills of the Santa Monica, San Gabriel, and Verdugo Mountains, and the Montebello and Puente Hills. (C) The contemporary distribution of the birds has dramatically increased (3x), presumably due to the large increase of urban forest conditions and resources e.g., exotic flowering plants, that the birds use throughout the annual cycle.
Grassland and Flowerfield Birds
(A) Graph depicting the positive relationship between the Grasshopper Sparrow and the proportion of California grassland and flowerfield habitat, based on an occupancy modeling routine. (B) The historical distribution of the Grasshopper Sparrow was focused on the grass and forblands of the San Fernando Valley and the grassland and dune system of the Santa Monica Bay. (C) Grasshopper Sparrows have been nearly extirpated as breeding birds from the region, with potentially only one location in the northwest corner of the San Fernando Valley left as suitable habitat.
Historical Tree Distributions
Plants that provide food resources are important to Indigenous food systems and culture. The team selected a set of such plants, including several oak species (coast live, valley, mesa, and scrub), California black walnut, and blue elderberry for our biogeographers to investigate. Using environmental data such as topography, rainfall, temperature, and soils, along with current distributional data for these species, habitat models were developed with machine learning approaches that suggest the historical distributions of these species, even in areas where they have been eliminated today. These are maps that show similar environmental conditions to the known distribution and should not be interpreted as definitive range maps. The potential habitat models can be toggled off and on in the map below.
Because the historical topography was not available at the extent modeled, the resulting maps do include artifacts associated with freeways and flood control systems. Future work will use the historical topography developed in this project to refine the maps. We have not included the channel islands, which have been similarly modeled at the level of potential natural vegetation for other projects, including Catalina Island and San Clemente Island .
Potential Natural Vegetation
The concept of potential natural vegetation (PNV) was developed in the early twentieth century to envision what species a landscape would support in the absence of human disturbance. It is described as “The vegetation that would develop in a particular ecological zone or environment, assuming the conditions of flora and fauna to be natural, if the action of man on the vegetation mantle stopped and in the absence of substantial alteration in present climatic conditions” (Tüxen 1956). For landscapes such as the Los Angeles Basin, understanding potential natural vegetation provides a reference point to understand the distribution and effects of the long period of human occupation, and guideposts to understand the processes that shape the landscape and could be incorporated into future ecological restoration and management. We developed a 1-km resolution map of the potential natural vegetation to describe the broad patterns and processes shaping the landscape and its ecological function.
We used a 1-km grid that is one of the hierarchical levels of the Military Grid Reference System as the unit of analysis. We compiled an extensive set of historical data in the form of maps, texts, and geolocated records of natural history observations. We then assigned each cell in the grid to a vegetation macrogroup. We used macrogroups to remain compliant with national vegetation mapping standards and because finer-scale inferences about potential vegetation across the region would be difficult without extensive environmental niche modeling. Macrogroup classification considers regional topographic differences and provides an ideal starting point to understand landscape processes in shaping vegetation patterns.
Vegetation Macrogroups of the Los Angeles River Watershed and Environs
California Chaparral. An evergreen shrubland characterized by plants with leathery leaves. Includes species such as chamise (Adenostoma fasciculatum), manzanita (Actostaphylos spp.), ceanothus (Ceanothus spp.), and scrub oak (Quercus berberidifolia).
California Grasslands and Flowerfields. Low grassland with dominant species ranging from perennial grasses (Stipa sp.) to annual wildflowers such as poppies (Escholscholzia californica), goldfields (Lathsthenia glabrata), dotseed plantain (Plantago erecta), and owl's clover (Castilleja exserta).
Coastal Dune and Bluff Scrub. Herbaceous and shrubby vegetation on beaches, dunes, and bluffs. Includes salt-tolerant species such as Abronia spp., Atriplex spp., and Camissonia chieranthifolia. Shrub community includes lupines (Lupinus chamissonis) and goldenbush (Ericameria sp.)
Coastal Sage Scrub. Summer deciduous shrubland found at lower elevations with conspicuous species including California sagebrush (Artemisia californica), California sunflower (Encelia californica), sages (Salvia mellifera, Salvia apiana, Salvia leucophylla), and an array of herbaceous species in gaps and after fire.
Desert Wash Woodland and Scrub. This macrogroup encompasses the alluvial scrublands in more arid regions such as the Antelope Valley.
Foothill and Valley Forests and Woodlands. The foothill and valley forests and woodlands of the region are dominated by the larger oak species (Coast Live Oak, Valley Oak, and Mesa Oak) along with California Black Walnut.
Mixed Evergreen Forest and Foothill Forest. A mix of broad-leaf and coniferous evergreen trees found in the foothills and slopes of the mountain regions.
Montane Riparian Forest and Woodland. A diverse array of coniferous and evergreen tree species found associated with creeks in the mountain regions.
Riparian Forest. Cottonwoods, alder, sycamore and other riparian trees found outside the active channel of rivers, in the floodplain.
Riverwash. Actively flooded and scoured riverbottom that may periodically support vegetation such as willows but has a high proportion of bare gravel, cobble, and sand.
Freshwater Marsh. Perennial wetlands characterized by emergent vegetation such a cattails.
Lakes. Open water, most commonly of "pond" size in the study area.
Salt Marsh. Higher salinity marshes that are periodically but not consistently open to the ocean in the study area. Includes brackish marshes characteristic of seasonally closing estuaries of the southern California region (see Jacobs et al. 2011 ).
Salt Marsh Meadows. We have used this macrogroup to designate Alkali Meadows, which are herbaceous communities found on areas that are seasonally flooded and then dry, resulting in accumulation of salts. Not tidal. Plants specialized to alkali conditions, with saltgrass (Distichlis spicata) dominant (see Stein et al. 2007 ).
Vernal Pools. Seasonally flooded pools and marshes with typically adapted species, mostly within the sandy soils along the coast between the Ballona Bluffs and the Palos Verdes Peninsula (see Mattoni and Longcore 199 7).
Wet Meadow. Herbaceous and grass dominated areas with significant moisture and seasonal flooding. Mostly grasses but support a good proportion of obligate or facultative wetland species such as sedges and rushes (see Stein et al. 2007 ).
For each 1 km grid cell we used a 50% rule to assign it to a macrogroup, except for isolated water features in an upland matrix we assigned the water feature at 40% to illustrate distribution of such features. For areas of the study area for which historical ecology studies had already been completed or where current vegetation is relatively undisturbed, we used those studies and converted to macrogroups using the 50% rule.
Map of Hypothesized Potential Natural Vegetation of Los Angeles River Watershed and Environs
Zoom in and out and pan by clicking and dragging to explore this layer.
Potential Natural Vegetation of the Los Angeles Region.
Report
The final report for this project is posted on our website: www.lalandscapehistory.org
Longcore, T. and P. J. Ethington, eds. 2023. Mapping Los Angeles Landscape History: The Indigenous Landscape . Report to the John Randolph Haynes and Dora Haynes Foundation. Spatial Sciences Institute, University of Southern California, Los Angeles.
Disclaimer
The contents of this StoryMap and associated report reflect the views of the authors, who are responsible for the facts and the accuracy of the information presented herein. The spatial information represented in this StoryMap and associated report was derived from a variety of sources. Care was taken in the creation of the maps and layers provided in this report and associated online sources, but they are provided “as is.” The authors and their associated institutions cannot accept any responsibility for errors, omissions, or positional accuracy in the digital data or underlying records. There are no warranties, expressed or implied, including the warranty of merchantability or fitness for a particular purpose, accompanying any of these products.
Data Availability
A geohub is in development for the data developed for this project to facilitate data sharing and credit for each of the spatial layers.