Insights into VULNER's Field Research

Reception Centres: Fédasil Broechem

Asylum seekers in Belgium can be accommodated in collective reception centres or in individual residences while awaiting the outcome of the procedure (from a couple of months up to some years). The vast majority of the applicants live in the collective reception centres. The centres’ size could vary from few dozen residents to several hundreds.

Shortage of Space at Reception Centres

Belgium is experiencing a 'reception crisis' in which there is a shortage of places to accommodate asylum seekers with dignity. The centers are sometimes saturated, so they have to resort to 'coping' solutions. Here, army tents are used to shelter asylum seekers.

'This is very hard for the residents, I mean, to arrive and have to be accommodated in a tent. The discomfort, the inhospitable reception…It's not easy to make up for that. No matter how much we try to distract them, it doesn't work.' (Social worker, Rixensart Fedasil reception centre)

Making a new 'home'

Privacy is an issue in collective reception centres. Asylum seekers are accommodated in shared dormitories. Some residents therefore try to 'personalise' their room and their front door, to feel more at home ... with the means at hand.

'You have no privacy when you put four people in one room, there is no privacy.' (Multipurpose Employee, Broechem Fedasil reception centre)

To listen to the experiences of vulnerable refugees on what they think about making a new home, check out Speaking Refugee - the VULNER Podcast.

Limited Resources

Asylum seekers receive less than 10 Euros per week in pocket money. The Broechem centre runs a 'clothes shop' made of donated clothes. Taking clothes from the shop is not unlimited, residents can have access to it only at specific times to find clothes that suit them.

Some centres offer the possibility to have access to a common kitchen. Most of the time, it is nevertheless too 'small' to be used by all residents. In the photo, kitchens are being built in the reception centre of Rixensart to solve this issue some of them are named after spices, such as 'curcuma'.

Keeping in touch

Access to the internet is essential to residents to keep in touch with the outside world, the Wi-Fi is not always available in reception centres. Even if the post-COVID-19 situation slightly changed, the Wi-Fi is often only provided in specific areas of the centre or for a limited period of time.

Impact of COVID-19

The COVID-19 health crisis had a huge impact on the life in the centres. The few activities that were allowed to shorten time in the centres were banned. Residents were left to their own (and their own devices) for very long days. In some cases, residents were involved in activities to fulfill the needs of the sanitary crisis.

'We were talking about precariousness, about being vulnerable...I think Covid is a good example, because many people here had to follow training courses, for example in French, and things like that, but with Covid, it's all over. […] We already know how difficult it was for Belgian families to live in confinement with their children and all that, but they have a proper shower, electricity, a TV; they have books, comics... But there is not really any of that in the centres here'. (Deputy Director, Jette Red Cross reception centre)

Services at the Centres

Exercising helps the residents to cope with their life in the reception centres. If there is enough space, sport facilities are provided for residents to work out.

Reception centres are also small worlds, where all the basic needs must be filled. At Broechem reception centre, a hair salon was put in place.

Childcare at the Centres

Rixensart reception centre accommodates lot's of isolated women with children. Having a place to take care of the children while mothers are away to work or to study was therefore necessary. The reception centre of Rixensart created a nursery inside the centre to respond to this particular need.

Asylum Hearing

The asylum procedure itself can create or exacerbate vulnerabilities. As a protection officer said:

'A person who is waiting to be heard, vulnerable, traumatised etc … faced with this waiting, it must be hard to live with uncertainty. Waiting can be a very stressful thing, even if it is a refusal, sometimes it is good to have a decision [...] The delays are too long.'

In addition, depending on the location of the reception centres, reaching Brussels for the asylum hearing could be difficult. The Fedasil Centre of Sugny is placed in the woods at the French border and the closest station is at 20 minutes away. Attending an asylum interview could mean setting a clock at 4 in the morning.

Field Research in Norway

The Norwegian VULNER team conducted fieldwork in two reception centres, one near Leirvik, a small city on the west coast and one in Trondheim, a bigger town in the middle of Norway. The researchers asked staff at reception centres as well as protection seekers about the asylum procedure, living conditions, worries, support and agency to manage protection seekers future lives. Some had been living in the reception centre for years, for example because they have a residence permit which is limited because there are doubts concerning their identity, while others received a final decision but were waiting for the outcome of an appeal.  Other people with a refused application were ‘unreturnable’, because the Norwegian state doesn’t have a bilateral agreement of deportation with the state authorities of their home country (Iran, Eritrea and Ethiopia, for example). If these refugees do not choose to join a voluntary assisted return program, they may live in the reception centre indefinitely.

Lastly, refugees resettled with the support by the UN and unaccompanied minors identified as victims of trafficking in Oslo and Bergen were interviewed. The researchers also interviewed representatives of local institutions responsible for resettlements, the refugee health service and state authorities (police, social/child welfare service) responsible for supporting trafficked victims and other interest organizations.     

To find out more about the research of the VULNER Norwegian team, read here their most recent report on the experiences of vulnerable protection seekers:

Insights into the regulations, practices and challenges for vulnerable protection seekers in Norway can be gained by downloading the Norwegian team’s first VULNER research report here:

Reception Centres in Norway

In Norway, asylum seekers are accommodated in reception centres (150-200 persons in each facility) while their application is processed. Except for the period between 2015 to 2017, the application and settlement process took about 6 - 15 months, depending on the case and the number of applicants. Over the last years, about 70 percent of the applicants received resident permits. Most of the persons or families accepted are settled in a municipality and must enrol in a 2 - 3 year long introduction programme. However, an increasing number of refugees receive only a temporary permission to stay, e.g. because they don’t have a valid ID. They continue to live in reception centres. Those awaiting for appeals may stay in reception centres for years.

The agency of refugees living long term in reception centres is limited. They describe the situation as followed:

'It's hard, especially when you're alone. Not having a job, and you can't decide anything for yourself, all this creates concerns. These are worries that you don't share with anyone, you just sit thinking about these worries alone.'

'We are just wasting our time – our dreams of the future are crumbling.'

Adjusting to High Living Costs

The researchers got this message from most of the persons that were interviewed. Over the last few years, food expenditure has increased considerably in Norway. However, monthly economic benefits (around 200 Euros) for those living in reception centres remained the same. Those with an appeal pending or who received a final rejection are not given work permits. Even with a work permit, very few refugees who live in reception centres succeed in getting a job due to the temporary nature of their residence.

'We are starving. We lack money to cover our basic needs.'

To listen to what vulnerable refugees think about food, check out Speaking Refugee - the VULNER Podcast.

Family Life in Reception Centres

Parents are worried about the social and personal costs for children who grow up in reception centres. Children long for a normal family life:

'Why do you not have a job, why are we so poor, why can’t we have a flat as everyone else.'

The parents felt hurt by these complaints. Parents’ severe health problems increased some of the children’s anxiety and decreased feelings of safety.

In some families, one or several of the children have a secure resident permit (due to severe health issues or the fear of female genital mutilation (FGM) if returned), while their parent(s) have temporary residence permits granted. Meaning the parent(s) must wait for a decision on their application for a residence grant on 'family reunification' with their child. The fee for family reunion, however, is high, about 100 Euro for each person. Without a job, it is difficult to save up for the fee. Therefore, they continue to live in reception centres for years with the insecurity that implies for them and their children.   

To listen to the experiences of vulnerable refugees on what they think about family, check out Speaking Refugee - the VULNER Podcast.

School

Children of refugees are expected to swiftly receive admission to schools and kindergartens, regardless of their parents’ status. For resettled refugee children with a former life in refugee camps, the immediate transition to new educational and social settings, and the expectations that come with this, are challenging. Many, but not all, cope quite well with the new situation.

Teenagers

The father of a 13 - year old boy living with trauma thinks that:

'for young people, 12 - 13 - 14 - years old, living with an indefinite future in a reception centre, is very, very, very difficult. They understand the precarious situation of the family, worry about their own dreams and education, not having ID, not having new clothes, bus tickets. They say there are no rights, no equality, only empty words.'

One of the main challenges faced by unaccompanied minors once settled is access to local social networks. Those over 16 spend two or more years in an education programme for adults to finalize lower secondary school before starting high school.

Settling Down in a New Society

Resettled refugees get support with integration and access to language and education courses from local authorities. For some, however, not making use of their former education and profession adds to the laborious process of adjusting to a new society. Others experience that their agency is limited by language barriers and find it difficult to cope with new demands, for example when they are in need for health services or dealing with banks online. New concerns may arise, such as expressing their sexual orientation, while also considering the implications of disclosure in relation to safety and relationships with family members.

Additional Needs and Health Support

Refugees with a residence permit have equal access to free health care. However, several barriers such as unfamiliarity with the Norwegian health system, communication issues and the health personnel’s lack of skills regarding refugee specific health issues may lead to inappropriate treatment. Refugees have to cover the fees of treatments themselves, including physiotherapy following cancer surgery or the treatment of trauma. This leads to the situation that they have to choose between either treatment or other basic needs.

Moreover, refugees with a final rejection can only access emergency health care and have to pay to consult a doctor or for hospital stays. Refugees in reception centres may apply for costs to be covered by the Immigration Authorities (UDI), if the emergency help or the treatment is not covered by the health service. Elderly people living with a final rejection told us that it took a long time to receive permission from the UDI to acquire much needed glasses or hearing aids. Basic support is on a very low level.

Asylum Process

One informant gave the researchers this drawing that expresses the ambivalence caused by having to disclose his innermost secrets and experiences of abuse and humiliation.  

Most of those with a final rejection told the researchers that they had not been prepared for the asylum interview and didn’t disclose some of the main reasons why they needed protection. Some related details of persecution, rape or their sexual orientation only during the appeal process, making the information, according to the authorities, less trustworthy and therefore less persuasive than it would have been at the first instance. Refugees may have real protection needs that remain unrecognized by the authorities.

'I was deceived by the people smugglers. They told me not to tell the truth, to change my name, tell another story. I regret it, I feel guilty.'

'Although I have tried to use a lawyer and explain the case in more detail, it is difficult to gain credibility subsequently.'

'The first time I tried to explain, I had some difficulties with the interpreter, maybe he didn't quite understand.'

Ukrainian Refugees – Modified Asylum System

The war in Ukraine also caused refugees to flee to Norway. This produced new and modified asylum and resettlement procedures. Refugees' needs and the shortages of the former system were voiced by refugees themselves as well as their supporters. Voluntary organizations and private persons worked together with the immigration authorities to meet refugees information needs. One such example of collaboration is the information desk at Oslo central train station run by the local church aid organization.

Field Research in Italy

Researchers from our VULNER Italian team, Dr. Dany Carnassale, Dr. Martina Millefiorini and Dr. Letizia Palumbo, tried to find out about the asylum procedures and protection measures and what life in reception and anti-trafficking centers is like for protection seekers in situations of vulnerability. The team visited approximately 50 reception and anti-trafficking centers in the region of Venice (Veneto) and in the region of Rome (Lazio).

To find out more about the research of the VULNER Italian team, read here their most recent report on the experiences of vulnerable refugees:

Their research report on the legal and policy framework and implementing practices in Italy can be downloaded here:

Identifying Vulnerabilities

Identifying vulnerabilities remains one of the main challenges in the Italian protection system. An NGO worker interviewed by the team says:

'Behind each success, there are hundreds or thousands of people that remain unrecognized in the shadows of procedures and reception.'

From the arrival in Italy to the time of hearing there are several opportunities for assessing protection seekers’ vulnerabilities. First, at disembarking at the border or at the hotspot, when the first encounter with public authorities takes place, where usually only the most evident vulnerabilities emerge, such as pregnancy or visible health problems. Later on, when filling in the asylum application form at the police headquarters. In such a context, it may not be easy for applicants to share sensitive information - such as mental health problems, trafficking experiences or genital mutilation. Reception centres may also be involved in identifying vulnerabilities, even though they often lack the human resources to be able to do that.

Most vulnerabilities are likely to be identified by NGOs and lawyers in private meetings allowing them to build enough trust for protection seekers to be able to share sensitive details of their life stories. Finally, the members of the commissions for the recognition of international protection (Territorial Commissions) or the judges in charge of making the decision on a case also play a central role in identifying vulnerabilities, that have not been told before, as they may emerge during the hearing, if the setting facilitates it.

The Difficulty of Telling One’s Story

Protection seekers prepare their application and their hearing, sometimes at length and with the support of NGOs and lawyers. The hearing takes place in front of a commission (Territorial Commission) composed of a president nominated by the Ministry of Interior Affairs, an expert nominated by UNHCR, and at least four highly trained administrative officials. Should the decision be appealed, the protection seeker will be heard by a civil court.

The preparation is experienced as extremely stressful by protection seekers, as they need to be able to share their very intimate and sometimes painful stories, and at the same time make a clear and strong case for themselves, on the basis of what they think the decision-makers may accept as ‘good reasons’ for protection. In turn, this process contributes to making some of the stories look ‘stereotyped’, ‘standardized’, and therefore more likely to be considered ‘not credible’ by the commissioners or the judges, which makes things even more difficult for applicants. However, most of the commissioners and the judges interviewed by the team appear to be aware of these difficulties and consider it their responsibility to let vulnerabilities and the ‘real story’ emerge. In the words of a judge interviewed by the researchers:

'The problem is to examine the story without prejudice every time, because even if it is a story you have already heard, this does not mean that in that case, it’s not true.'

Reception Centres in the Regions of Rome and Venice

In Italy, protection seekers are mostly accommodated in two kinds of centres: the ‘extraordinary reception centres’ (CAS) or the ‘system of reception and integration’ (SAI) centres. CAS host asylum seekers and are generally managed by NGOs. SAI centres are managed directly by local authorities to host not only asylum seekers but also beneficiaries of international protection or special protection, and un-accompanied minors. SAI centres mainly provide services oriented to social and labour market inclusion. There is also a minority of reception as alternatives to SAI centres and CAS, linked to humanitarian corridors and to initiatives of home-based reception, such as 'Refugees Welcome'.

Centres may be located in urban or, more often, in rural areas. Protection seekers can find themselves in centres that are exclusively for single-men, or for single women and families. Reception centres in the regions of Rome and Venice may be large, some up to 100 people, while others may only host a few people - notable is that until 2020, there were also some very large centres hosting up to 1000 people. While people are hosted in SAI centres for as long as one or two years, protection seekers living in CAS may end up staying in one CAS after the other for up to five years.

Cuts to the Reception System

The reception system in Italy has been significantly impacted by a large reform introduced in 2018 (the so-called Security Decree or Salvini Decree, No. 113/2018). Most asylum seekers were excluded from the ordinary state reception system (SAI) and crammed into the emergency reception centres (CAS). Moreover, CAS themselves saw their resources heavily cut and struggled to provide services that they used to offer, such as legal aid, psychological support and programmes for social and labour market inclusion. Many asylum seekers are currently unable to join Italian language classes. However, following the implementation of the Lamorgese Decree (Decree Law 130/2020), some CAS have gradually reintroduced some of their basic services, such as Italian language classes and psychological support. A reception worker in the region of Rome says:

'Vulnerability is just a word in CAS, there cannot be any real attention to vulnerability. The poor people who work there, what can they do? There is one specialized social worker [assistente sociale] for 600 migrants. How can you support vulnerable people? You can’t expect one person to be able to do that.'

Cheap Labour for Agriculture

Asylum seekers, as well as holders of international or other forms of protection, are increasingly involved in dynamics of exploitation in the agri-food sector in various parts of Italy. This is at least partly facilitated by the location of reception centres which are found in isolated rural areas, far away from cities, and have become a pool of cheap and easily exploitable migrant farm workers. This is particularly visible in the Agro-Pontino region, about 100 km away from Rome, especially for young men hosted in men-only centres. In Agro-Pontino, asylum seekers are employed in agricultural work under very hard conditions, working from morning to night often without breaks. The lack of documents exacerbates these conditions. Similar exploitative conditions are found in other parts of the country, including the region of Venice, and involve women and people of all genders, who have a refugee status.

A migrant man who arrived in Italy as a minor and is a former holder of ‘humanitarian protection’ refers to his experience in the region of Venice:

'I used to work as a seasonal worker in agriculture, but it was completely exploitative. I had to fill up boxes and they gave me 1.50 Euros for each box I filled. I worked seven to eight hours a day, without a contract, and sometimes at the end of the day, I only made 20 Euros.'

Asylum Seekers as Victims of Exploitation and Trafficking

Some asylum seekers in Italy have also been victims of exploitation and trafficking in different sectors - for women, this is often the case in the sex industry. For this reason, mechanisms of coordination and ‘referral’ were developed between the asylum system and the anti-trafficking system to identify, support and assist victims of exploitation and trafficking. In practice, reception centres hosting single women or women with children may develop close links with local NGOs supporting victims of trafficking. These NGOs may provide training or consultancy, and in turn, the reception centres may ‘refer’ potential victims of trafficking to them.

To listen to the experiences of vulnerable refugees on what they think about gender, check out Speaking Refugee - the VULNER Podcast.

Being in Limbo

Lengthy procedures contribute to producing a condition of asylum seekers’ hyper uncertainty and precariousness. Asylum seekers typically wait one year and a half to receive an answer about their application for asylum and, should they appeal a negative answer, they need to wait up to three years for a final decision. This creates a limbo situation which increases the condition of vulnerability of asylum seekers, including psychological repercussions. Moreover, it may be particularly frustrating for protection seekers to have to talk about their vulnerabilities over and over to a variety of legal and institutional authorities - often sharing very intimate and painful stories.

In the words of an NGO worker:

'Remaining in reception centres for such a long time is extremely detrimental. It strips the person off their human potential. Even if the reception project is very good. The person lives in a waiting limbo made of "I will do this and that later, when this or that will happen, if I will get this or that …". These endless paths, and being without papers, make people unable to go ahead, and even push them back.'

The Importance of Solidarity Networks

Solidarity networks represent a great potential for the success of protection seeker’s reception. This becomes clear when local administration and local communities offer active support with training and resources, and social and labour market inclusion increases. In one of the centres the researchers visited in the area of Rome, the researchers were told by the reception workers that the local communities were crucial to their work: local shops often offer internships to the asylum seekers hosted in the centre and the local café donates their left-over delicatessen to the centre every night.

To listen to what vulnerable refugees think about capital, check out Speaking Refugee - the VULNER Podcast.

Field Research in Lebanon

Researchers from our VULNER Lebanon team, Maria Maalouf and Cathrine Brun investigated the reality of living as a refugee in Lebanon, the country hosting the most refugees per capita in the world. During their fieldwork from July 2021 till October 2021, the team visited different localities where refugees live, in the North, the Bekaa and Beirut. They interviewed Palestinian refugees from Lebanon and Syria and Syrian refugees. Here we want to show the overall situation of Palestinian Refugees residing in Lebanon and Syrian refugees in Lebanon, through the experience of Mona (a Syrian female refugee), and Yussef (a Palestinian male refugee) regarding their refugee journey, housing status, legal status, and access to employment and the experience of living as a refugee in the context of deep financial and political crisis in Lebanon.

(On a separate note, Mona and Yussef, are pseudonyms and not actual names of the interviewed refugees to guarantee their anonymity).

To find out more about the research of the VULNER Lebanese team, read here their most recent report on the experiences of vulnerable refugees:

To get an overview of the legal and bureaucratic approaches and practices in identifying ‘vulnerable’ refugees in Lebanon, read their report on 'The Vulnerability of Refugees Amid Lebanese Law and the Humanitarian Policies':

Lebanon Cascading Crisis Overview

After its independence in 1943, Lebanon has experienced three main influxes of refugees. The first influx was the Palestinian refugees, which started in 1948 with the occupation of Palestine by the Israeli forces and lasted until 1970. During this time, Lebanon received around half a million Palestinian refugees, and more than 70 years later, the Palestinians and their descendants still live as refugees with limited access to rights in the country. The second influx was the Iraqi refugees following the invasion of Iraq in 2003. It is estimated that about 40,000 Iraqi refugees entered Lebanon via Syria. The third influx started in 2011 with the eruption of the armed conflict in Syria that rapidly turned into war. There is believed to be around 1.5 million Syrian refugees in Lebanon, including 29,000 Palestinans from Syria (PRS).

Lebanon's Asylum Legal and Policy Framework

Lebanon has not signed the 1951 Refugee Convention. Lebanon’s only immigration law from 1962 regulates the entry and exit of foreigners to Lebanon; it states that political asylum is possible upon a decision of a committee to be established. Generally, however, Lebanon’s legal and policy frameworks deny refugees access to asylum on its territory making it a transit country for refugees where becoming a citizen is not allowed. As a consequence, refugees have lived here in limbo since 1948. The lack of a clearly defined asylum law has led to various actors, policies, and responses to refugees’ entry, stay, and livelihood in Lebanon. In effect both Palestinian and Syrian refugees are temporarily residing in Lebanon, deprived of rights to participate fully in the society. Most Palestinians refugees have legal residency but are prevented from becoming full members of the society. For Syrian refugees, more than 80% above the age of 15 lack legal residency:

“The refugees are de facto vulnerable in all respects, such as their rejection from the job market whereas they can find work opportunities merely in the three sectors: construction, agriculture and cleaning. This impedes their integration with the host community and put them in a situation of dependency on the aid provided by the UN agencies or local NGOs” (NGO worker).

Refugee Journeys

Yussef, a Palestinian man, was born as a refugee in Lebanon in 1971 in the Burj Barajneh camp in Beirut and did not experience physical displacement. However, Mona, a Syrian female refugee, fled from Syria in 2016 and arrived in the Bar Elias informal settlement in the Bekaa valley. She had a difficult journey, like many Syrians, who crossed the borders irregularly. She came with her children but without her husband, and underwent a terrifying journey. The experience of violence and the often traumatic journeys were widespread amongst most Palestinian refugees from Syria and Syrian refugees who arrived in Lebanon after 2011. Their experiences played a significant role in their identity and in seeking protection in Lebanon and added to their hardships amidst the structural and widespread destitution in the Lebanese society at large.

“We left Syria because of the war in 2016. We were first in Marj and then moved to Bar Elias two years ago…It was very difficult because we had to cross illegally with the children and I came alone without my husband - that was really scary” (Muna). “I was born in Lebanon in 1971 and I am still here” (Yussef).

Housing Status for Palestinian Refugees

Today, there are 12 officially recognized Palestinian camps, which are run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Besides, there are 42 Palestinian gatherings outside the official camps, home to a large percentage of the Palestinian households in Lebanon. Yussef lives in Burj Barajneh Camp in Beirut, home to around 31,000 refugees, after being established to accommodate 10,000 refugees. Conditions in the camps are dire and characterized by overcrowding, poor housing conditions, unemployment, poverty and lack of access to justice.

"The infrastructure of the camp is really bad. Many die in the winter because of the loose cables and the water”. (Yussef).

Housing Status for Syrian Refugees

Syrian refugees live across all governorates in Lebanon because the Lebanese government introduced a “non-encampment policy”, which prevented the establishment of formal camps. They remain dispersed in over 1,700 localities across Lebanon’s six districts. The Bekaa valley has received the highest number of Syrian refugees, and more than 40% of them live in informal tented settlements, established in an unplanned and unmanaged manner, which means they are generally unrecognized.

“I’m scared the tent will burn down or my children will hurt themselves when playing around”. (Mona)

Generally, Syrian refugee households are distributed across the main shelter types: (69%) living in residential structures, 22% in non-permanent shelters including informal settlements, and 9% in non-residential structures.

Legal Status for Palestinian Refugees

The majority of Palestinian refugees arrived between 1948 and 1967. They and their descendants in Lebanon are defined as refugees, they generally have the right to stay through residency permits, but cannot become citizens in Lebanon. They cannot own property or businesses and they cannot vote in elections. Since Yussef was born in Lebanon to Palestinian parents, he holds an “ID card for Palestine Refugees” issued by the Department of Palestinian Refugees Affairs in the Ministry of Interior. In addition to his permanent residency documents, he has a 5-year renewable travel document which enables him to travel abroad. He is also registered with UNRWA, which provides him with some minimal assistance for his medical condition.

“The UNRWA is covering my medicine … I go every 2-3 months and get it from them” (Yussef).

Legal Status for Syrian Refugees

The residency policies for Syrians in Lebanon have fluctuated since 2014, and in 2022, the majority of Syrian refugees in Lebanon do not have legal residency, although some had such status in the past. The policies towards Syrians in Lebanon have led to several – sometimes overlapping – categories of refugees such as registered, recorded, and unregistered: A refugee can be unregistered with the Government, but recorded with the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) which means they have access to assistance despite not having legal residency. This impacts the extent of access to protection. Since she arrived, Mona never had legal residency:

“I entered illegally and never applied for one [residency], and neither did my husband (…) We could not do it because of financial challenges (…) not having a legal residency limits our movements (…) I’m scared of getting caught and deported. My husband has been detained three times and went to jail once. ” (Muna).

Access to Employment for Palestinian Refugees

Since 2005, Palestinian refugees have been granted the right to practice about 70 professions that were previously prohibited to them and restricted to Lebanese nationals only. Still Palestinians are prohibited from working in 36 professions (including in medicine, farming and fishery, and public transportation) and only partial access to the National Social Security Fund. In order to work, Palestinian Refugees residing in Lebanon are required to obtain an annual work permit at no cost. Yussef is unable to work due to his physical health problems, which we noticed was widespread among many of our interviewees – Palestinians and Syrians alike: After many years of precarious livelihoods and scattered access to assistance, medical treatment is sacrificed for other basic needs such as housing and food.

“ The Lebanese labor law is unfair… we are not allowed to work as engineers or doctors how is that? It is really unfair…" (NGO worker).

Refugees Living in Compounded Crises

Since 2019 Lebanon is going through a deep governance crisis which has a financial crisis at its centre. Mona and Yussef, despite their differences, share many experiences of vulnerability in the context of these compounded crises. They expressed similar thoughts regarding the changes over time living as a refugee in Lebanon and their uncertain vision of their future in Lebanon. Yussef said, “Only God knows”; Mona assumed that they “have no future in Lebanon”. Also, she stressed the negative effect of the displacement from Syria to Lebanon on their life: “We did not have much needs before the war, and we were a small family. My husband worked, we were all together. We had our own home, and our land. It’s different here!”

The economic crisis in Lebanon worsened their situation, and they both wish the could access basic needs to have a decent life. Yussef only asked only for the basics when stating: “If there is help like food, water…”. Mona always thinks about her children and worries about their future: “I wish my children could get an education; that is the most essential of needs”.

However, regardless of all the challenges, Yussef is living in Lebanon and is against resettlement; he always thinks about his right to return to Palestine and is staying in Lebanon, waiting for this moment. On the contrary, although Mona loves Syria and always wants to visit her lands, as a mother, she thinks about her children’s future, which will only be guaranteed by moving to a third country. Mona was trying to get resettlement through a religious institution, but because of the lack of information and guidance in this context, she were not able to complete the process.  

Field Research in Uganda

VULNER researcher Dr. Sophie Nakueira, leader of the work package on Africa, went to Uganda in 2020 and 2021. During her first trip, she investigated how asylum seekers and refugees are identified as ‘vulnerable’ by interviewing public servants and aid workers in Kampala, Uganda’s capital. The results of this research stay are summarized in her research report “Protecting Vulnerable Refugees - An empirical examination of the implementation practices of aid workers and state actors in Uganda”.

Her second field research to Uganda, Sophie travelled to the Nakivale Refugee Settlement to speak to asylum seekers and refugees to learn about their experiences of Uganda’s humanitarian system.

To find out more about her research, read here Sophie's most recent report on the experiences of vulnerable refugees 'Lived Vulnerabilities under Constraints: An Emprical Account of how Refugees Experience Uganda’s Protection System':

A Refugee-friendly Country

Uganda is a small landlocked country in East Africa and currently has the largest population of forced migrants in Africa (approx. 1.5 million in 2022). People seeking a safe haven in Uganda come from conflict ridden countries in the region such as South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Ethiopia, and other countries that may not be at active war, but are politically unstable such as Burundi and Eritrea.

Even during the Covid-19 pandemic, when many countries around the world closed their borders, Uganda made an exception and opened its borders to receive people fleeing ethnic violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo. As such, it continues to be exemplary in its open-door approach to refugee hosting.

Arrival of Asylum Seekers in Kampala, Uganda

An Asylum seeker who registers at the Refugee Desk in Kampala fills in a registration form and submits passport photos of all members of his/her family. A profiling officer conducts a security interview and sends a copy of the registration form to Office of the Prime Minister (OPM). The profiling officer gives the asylum seeker an Asylum Registration Card. However, during the registration process, he explained that priority is given to those considered vulnerable. The officer explained to the researcher the people that are prioritised.

“Those who are on medication, HIV, we refer them. There are those who are vulnerable. It depends on how they come to you. A minor with no adult, isn’t that a vulnerable person? A pregnant woman without a husband—isn’t that a vulnerable person? If she has come to the reception centre, me as a refugee officer I take them from the line. A person who is a disabled –maybe as a result of war—isn’t he vulnerable? We work on them very fast because of this inability to stand in the line for long.”

Listen to the VULNER Podcast "Speaking Refugee" to find out about refugee's experiences on health:

Registering as Asylum Seekers in Settlements

Asylum seekers, who register in settlements undergo a different process, depending on the circumstances of their arrival or their nationality. For instance, in case of mass influxes, details are often captured at the point of arrival and refugee status interviews are conducted at a later stage. The Refugee Eligibility Committee travels to various settlements to conduct refugee status determination interviews. Usually, newly arrived asylum seekers stay at reception centers inside settlements. However, because of the Covid-19 pandemic, the reception center in Nakivale was closed in 2020.  

Refugee Status Interviews with Asylum Seekers

Asylum seekers are given attestation cards. After this registration, the asylum seeker is interviewed by a Refugee Status Interviewing Officer (RSIO) who writes a report, which details the reasons for seeking asylum. The report is submitted to the Refugee Eligibility Committee.

Waiting times for these interviews vary and the restrictions of the Covid-19 pandemic meant that this process was further prolonged.

Granting Asylum Status

The Refugee Eligibility Committee (REC) determines whether or not to grant refugee status following the Refugee Act of 2006. If the application is accepted, refugee status is granted and the applicant is issued a Refugee Identity Card.

Uganda does not have an encampment policy and refugees who have the means to support themselves without depending on humanitarian assistance can live outside refugee settlements. However, many of them live in refugee settlements in rural areas. The Uganda government provides each refugee with a small plot of land so that they can build shelter and grow their own food.

Rights after Refugee Status has been granted

Once refugee status has been granted, refugees living in settlements have access to humanitarian assistance. Since humanitarian aid services are provided only in refugee settlements, those whose who live outside refugee settlements are assumed to be less vulnerable. Depending on the classification of vulnerability, refugees receive food items or cash-based transfers. They have access to health services, education, counselling, legal aid and other basic needs.

Refugees who have lived in Uganda for several years receive cash assistance of 3.25 Euros per month and those who are classified as very vulnerable receive 5 Euros a month for food assistance. The assumption is that those who have lived in the settlement for long are less vulnerable as they have had enough time to grow their own food and should be self-reliant or less dependent on humanitarian assistance.  Extremely vulnerable refugees such as pregnant mothers are given additional support such as leafy vegetables to ensure a healthy diet. The Global Distribution Tool (GDT) is a UNHCR database which decides ‘who gets what’. When asked whether there are special programs catering to vulnerable categories, Dr. Nakueira was told that:

“When it comes to vulnerable persons as I told you we have specific groups. We have got a section on nutrition and livelihood where we basically prioritise extremely vulnerable people to be beneficiaries. For example, we give vegetables to pregnant mothers, young children who are minors, child-headed families to ensure that they improve their health and we go ahead to teach them how they can grow their food so that away from our services they know how to maintain their health.’

Uganda's Approach to Protection

Uganda has ‘a whole of society’ approach to protection. This means that in the context of humanitarian protection, refugees as are key actors in resolving problems or reporting issues to aid agencies. Some refugees work in various ways with aid organisations as paralegals, interpreters, or leaders in their communities. Refugee Welfare Councils are local leaders elected by refugees within their community. Their task in refugee protection, among other roles, is considered very crucial, because being refugees themselves who live in settlements, they can identify and refer extremely vulnerable refugees to respective agencies within their constituencies. Explaining their role, refugee paralegals explained to Dr. Nakueira that they visit various jails in the settlement to ensure that refugees’ rights are protected:

“We check to see that someone was not arrested for civil matter. We see, if there is no overstay in the custody. It should not be more than 48 hours. We check to see, if the person is not a minor. We check to see the weight of the offense – whether we can mediate it.”