Safe Spaces in Barranco

This research examines Valentine’s Theory of the Geography of Fear by analyzing public spaces within Barranco, a historic and popular district in Lima, Peru. Gill Valentine suggests that individuals' perceptions of safety in public areas are influenced by various elements, including the aesthetics of the environment, its cleanliness, and social attitudes. Fear in these spaces often influences individuals' movements and behaviors, impacting their daily activities and routines. To investigate this theory, we conducted site visits to four distinct locations in Barranco, completing surveys regarding each area. We assessed aspects such as the content of graffiti, the condition of the buildings, and the availability of green spaces to determine how these characteristics might influence individuals' feelings of safety. By gathering data on these elements, we sought to identify trends in how public spaces affect comfort levels and whether certain locations are perceived as safer or more threatening. This study enhances our understanding of how fear can shape individuals' experiences in an urban environment like Barranco and how both physical and social attributes can influence the utilization of these spaces.

Gill Valentine is one of the most influential social geographers who has shaped scholarship on urban geography, social diversity, and the Geography of Fear. Her research on how safety and danger are perceived in public spaces, becuase of gender, age, and social identity, is examined as influencing the behaviors and movements of people.

According to Valentine's research, she developed four hypotheses to examine the impact of environmental factors on perceptions of safety. Firstly, she predicts that the presence of women in public areas during daylight hours will exceed that of men, potentially due to variations in daily routines or differing perceptions of safety. Secondly, she anticipates that graffiti will negatively affect feelings of safety, as it is frequently linked to neglect or criminal behavior. Thirdly, she thinks that deteriorating areas, marked by uncared-for infrastructure or vacant buildings, will lead to heightened feelings of insecurity. Lastly, Valentine suggests that confined spaces, such as alleyways or dimly lit regions, may generate discomfort due to restricted visibility and the perceived challenges in escaping from potential dangers. These hypotheses are designed to reveal patterns in human behavior and perceptions concerning urban settings.

• There will be more women than men during the daytime in public spaces
• Graffiti makes people feel unsafe
• Areas of decline make people feel unsafe
• Enclosed spaces make people feel unsafe

The geography of fear, researched by Valentine, sets out to explain how individuals' perception of safety is developed through a combination of environmental and social influences. Valentine claims that fear does not occur universally throughout the city, rather, it forms from physical characteristics, social relationships, and personal histories. Dark lighting, strange graffiti, and deteriorating infrastructure are some of the elements that heighten feelings of insecurity, especially among women and vulnerable communities, whose mobility and engagement with public spaces are deeply affected by the threat of violence or harassment.

Valentine identifies that fear is sometimes "gendered and contextual," with women often avoiding places they feel may place them at risk, even in areas with low recorded crime rates. Such behaviors are influenced not only by personal experiences but also by other stories that make a particular environment as dangerous. For example, dark alleys, isolated parks, or areas with abandoned buildings are generally associated with danger. Such perceptions influence how individuals go through urban landscapes, with many individuals limiting their activities to "safer" spaces or using protective strategies such as traveling in groups.

To address the issues raised by Valentine, urban planners and policymakers should focus on inclusive design and community participation. This could be accomplished through the improvement of street lighting, the maintenance of public spaces, and encouraging a sense of community vigilance. Moreover, programs should be directed to making public spaces available and welcoming for all.

Gender-based violence is a significant issue in Peru, with one in three women experiencing physical or sexual violence from a partner. The COVID-19 pandemic further complicated the situation, as domestic violence cases increased by 48% due to heightened economic stress and social isolation. This alarming trend calls for urgent and sustained action in the protection of vulnerable populations and addressing the systemic factors contributing to GBV. The Peruvian government, in collaboration with international organizations, has initiated several programs to address this problem and provide support to survivors, reflecting a commitment to improving public safety and reducing violence.

Key steps include the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations setting up ALEGRA centers that provide legal and psychological support to survivors. Peru has also strengthened its abuse hotline with the help of the World Bank, introducing an app called Yanapp, which gives survivors emergency tools and access to services in a discreet way. These tools aim to empower victims and ensure they have access to the help they need, especially during crises. Despite these advances, there are still huge challenges, particularly in addressing the overwhelming number of cases. In 2023, over 140,000 cases of violence against women were reported, yet only 25% of rape cases had access to forensic kits, hindering justice for many survivors.

The case of Sheyla Mayumi Cóndor Torres, 26 years old from Lima, Peru, who was murdered by police officer Darwin Condori on the 21st of November 2024, is a sad example of how gender-based violence is common in the country. This murder is symbolic of a general trend where women are at risk of violence not only by civilians but also by people who are entrusted with protecting them. 25-year-old police officer Darwin Condori had previous accusations for sexual assault.

In early 2023, three women denounced him and another police officer for drugging and raping them. He was detained for two weeks and returned to duties after these grave accusations, revealing serious lenience of the prior accusations; it points out a set of problems within law enforcement institutions in the investigation of gender-based violence crimes. The negligence the police showed during the investigation of Sheyla's disappearance is another example of how misogynistic the institution is. When Sheyla disappeared, her family received a mixture of indifference and rejection from the police, who told them she had gone off with a boyfriend and would return soon.

This lack of urgency and empathy is a common experience for many women reporting violence or disappearance, reflecting a broader societal issue of underestimating and trivializing women's safety concerns. The case took a gruesome turn with the appearance of Sheyla's dismembered body in Condori's house and the subsequent suspicious death of the aggressor. All these acts have resulted in outrage among the people and protests against gender-based violence, forcing debate on systemic reforms in Peru that offer greater protection for women.

The case of Sheyla Cóndor symbolizes, that gender-based violence is one of the most deep-rooted realities in Peru and that a comprehensive approach to such actions should be taken into consideration.

Barranco has an important combination of urban and naturalistic spaces. Colorful murals decorate the walls, while small parks and the famous Bridge of Sighs will make it interesting to get into. The area combines busy places with restaurants and quiet lanes or cliffs, offering a contrast in experiences of safety and comfort. Barranco is also popular with both locals and tourists, so you get different perspectives on how people feel in these spaces. While it's generally safe, some areas like dark alleys can make people feel uneasy, which is perfect for studying fear in public places. The variety of spaces in Barranco helps us understand how the environment affects how we feel.

Upon analyzing the data collected from public spaces during the daytime, we found that Valentine’s hypothesis, that there would be more women than men in public spaces during the day was proven false. The graphs indicated a higher or consistent presence of men in the observed areas throughout the day, contrary to the initial assumption.

The data suggests that men may be more likely to occupy public spaces during daylight hours, possibly due to factors such as work schedules, social behaviors, or societal expectations that influence how individuals engage with these spaces. Men might have more flexible schedules or less caregiving responsibility, which allows them to spend more time in public areas during the day.

In contrast, women may not be as frequently seen in public spaces during the day due to a variety of factors. Many women may have additional domestic responsibilities, such as childcare or household duties, which limit their time spent outside of the home. Apart from that, compared to the older days, women have more access to jobs now than before, so women are also occupied with jobs more easily. But Barranco itself doesn't have many places that unemployed women would go, such as parks for their kids or playgrounds, shops, and much more making it more likely for women not to be roaming around Barranco.

This unexpected finding challenges Valentine’s assumption and emphasizes the need to consider a broader range of factors, such as social roles, economic status, caregiving responsibilities, and concerns about safety when analyzing the demographic distribution in public spaces.

From the data available, it does not prove that graffiti makes people unsafe. The mood score distribution shows that most of them felt positive or neutral when they were in the locations surveyed and fewer reported negative or very negative feelings. That simply means the presence of graffiti alone does not significantly add to feelings of unsafety for the majority of people and challenges the hyptheses that graffiti is strongly linked to fear or discomfort.

This is further supported by the word cloud analysis, with terms such as "calm," "positive," "nice," "happy," and "artistic" more dominant, and negative words such as "unsafe," "offensive," or "bad" being much less frequent. This would suggest that much of the graffiti was perceived to be artistic or harmless rather than threatening or intimidating. Moreover, most of the graffiti was more than six months old, and therefore would have become an accepted feature of the environment and not necessarily associated with crime or danger.

The findings regarding the type of graffiti also support to a certain extent why the hypothesis is not fully supported. The artistic type of graffiti was the most observed, followed by territorial, offensive, and humorous graffiti, while political graffiti was almost nil. Artistic graffiti dominated the sites and is generally regarded as enhancing an area culturally or aesthetically, rather than making it feel unsafe. Territorial or offensive graffiti, which might be closer to perceptions of fear or danger, was much less common and minimized its overall influence.

The data does not entirely align with Valentine's Geography of Fear hypothesis, for a number of reasons. The cultural context of Barranco, which is known for its vibrant art scene, may lead people to view graffiti as a form of artistic expression rather than a sign of disorder. The prevalence of older graffiti may also suggest that it has become normalized, and thus less associated with fear.

The evidence provided will support the hypothesis that areas of decline make people feel unsafe. The word cloud identifies smell, smells, poop, pee, and trash, and terms that all indicate uncleanliness and neglect. These words refer to a sensory environment that people find distasteful and often associate with discomfort or unease. It is also reflected in terms like people feel good, which would show that environmental factors influence perceptions of comfort and safety.

The maps suggest that, in the case of Site 4 in Barranco, there is a gendered use of space: this area is dominated by men and avoided by women. This again reinforces the idea that women avoid those places that are perceived as degraded. Furthermore, it is the statistic that 55.7% of the respondents felt uncomfortable with the smell that really reiterates the association of sensory disgust with negative emotional reactions. Poor environmental conditions, such as bad smells and visible trash, likely contribute to perceptions of the area as unsafe or undesirable.

Avoidance behavior from women supports this hypothesis all the more. Not only physical discomfort but a feeling of vulnerability is aggravated among groups, which already might feel that they are more at risk than others. This also tends to be reflected in findings on the general impacts of neglected spaces upon public views about safety and comfort.

These results support the hypothesis that areas of decline make people feel unsafe. The combination of sensory unpleasantness, gendered avoidance behavior, and discomfort with environmental conditions demonstrates how declining spaces negatively impact perceptions of safety. However, further research that considers additional factors, such as crime rates and community activity, might give a broader explanation for this phenomenon.

Examples of the enclosed spaces would be the dead-end areas or narrow streets on the map. These areas have generally been perceived as limiting one's view and limiting escape and thus should make people feel unsafe. If enclosed spaces do make people feel unsafe, we would expect fewer women present in these areas compared to men.

From the maps, the one with more circles (men) shows a broader distribution across various locations, including enclosed spaces. On the other hand, the map with fewer circles (women) indicates that women may be less present in these areas. This disparity supports the hypothesis since women might be avoiding enclosed spaces, probably because they feel unsafe there. Men are generally more evenly distributed because they tend to feel less vulnerable in enclosed spaces, while women may avoid areas that feel isolating or risky. From our own experience, when we were in an enclosed space up the stairs we only crossed men and only two people, which is quite unusual for Barranco which normally has a lot of people roaming around, this shows that people actively avoid these areas.

These can be brought about by some combination of psychological, social, and environmental factors. Usually, the visibility and escape routes become minimal in such places; it might be a dead end or narrow street. Poorer lighting and reduced visibility make a place hard to anticipate any kind of threat, while isolation amplifies the feeling of being alone and not being able to seek help. The sense of lack of control in enclosed spaces often associates them with danger. Cultural narratives and media representations of crime further heighten these fears, especially among women, who have been socialized to pay close attention to personal safety. Past personal experiences of unsafe encounters also shape perceptions and lead to the avoidance of such areas. Physical neglect, like broken lights or decaying infrastructure, serves as a beacon for danger and raises more unease. These factors collectively explain why some people, particularly women, avoid enclosed spaces due to the perceived increased risk associated with them.

The maps confirm the hypothesis to some degree-that enclosed spaces make people feel unsafe, especially women. In dead ends, the lesser concentration of women may reflect a sort of avoidance of the area due to safety.

Comparing the two word clouds, I can see clear differences in how public spaces are represented. The word cloud from my findings focuses on describing aspects of both urban and natural environments. The use of words such as "people," "trees," "graffiti," "bridge," and "artistic" indicates a more observational approach, highlighting aesthetic and social features of the spaces I have explored. Overall, it's pretty positive, with the standout words being "nice," "green," "colorful," and "beautiful." Of course, there are some negative ones, too: "broken" and "trash." My word cloud shows the variety in features that I noticed in the spaces, ranging from physical structures to nature.

By contrast, Valentine's Geography of Fear word cloud depicts the sense one gets from the spaces. Words such as "dark," "isolated," "subways," and "alleyways" signify places where one may feel fear or other levels of discomfort. This is certainly negative in tone, using words that reference a feeling toward places that may be dimly lit or even considered threatening. While my word cloud describes the spaces I studied, Valentine's Geography of Fear indicates how those spaces can be psychologically or emotionally experienced, especially when they are isolated or enclosed.

Both word clouds do share some common terms, such as "streets," but they present contrasting perspectives, mine focuses on the physical and aesthetic attributes of spaces, while Valentine's emphasizes the emotional responses to them. Together, they offer a fuller picture of how public spaces can be both visually and emotionally impactful.

The findings from the study in Barranco demonstrate that perceptions of fear in urban spaces are influenced by a combination of environmental factors, including the quality of buildings, presence of graffiti, green spaces, and overall visibility. Sites with well-maintained infrastructure, vibrant public spaces, and a noticeable presence of greenery tended to evoke lower levels of fear, aligning with Valentine’s Theory that physical environment impacts individuals’ sense of safety. Conversely, areas characterized by neglect, such as high levels of graffiti or poorly maintained buildings, were more likely to instill feelings of unease. The results affirm the hypothesis that environmental quality directly correlates with public perceptions of safety, while social interactions and individual experiences may further amplify these perceptions.

 https://blogs.worldbank.org/en/latinamerica/strategies-peru-prevent-address-gender-based-violence 

 https://www.worldbank.org/en/results/2021/04/13/combating-gender-based-violence-in-peru-increasing-awareness-and-resources-to-prevent-violence-against-women 

 https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/americas/south-america/peru/report-peru/ 

 https://www.jstor.org/stable/20000063 

 https://elpais.com/america/2024-11-24/un-horrible-asesinato-por-la-desidia-de-la-policia-peruana-asi-mataron-a-sheyla-condor.html