The Kamose Texts

Background

"To what effect do I perceive it, my might, while a ruler is in Avaris and another in Kush, I sitting joined with an Asiatic and a Nubian, each man having his (own) portion of this Egypt, sharing the land with me."

This quote, attributed to the 17th Dynasty pharaoh Kamose, encapsulates the political situation in ancient Egypt during the era in which he ruled. Modern historians call this time the "Second Intermediate Period". Its predecessor, the "Middle Kingdom", is considered a period of sophisticated art and literature, and its successor, the "New Kingdom", a time of great empire and power. Between these two "high points" of Egyptian civilization centralized rule broke down, and Egypt was ruled by three, or possibly four, different kings at once. In the north, kings descended from West Asians ruled from Avaris (they were later known as the Hyksos, which literally means "foreign rulers"), while a family of "native Egyptians" ruled from Thebes. Between them, a short lived group of kings ruled from the ancient city of Abydos, likely until they were killed off by either the Hyksos or the Thebans. Meanwhile far to the south, Egypt's traditional foil, the Nubians, had built a large empire based in the city of Kerma, and were encroaching on what had always been Egyptian territory. Perhaps as a result of the political instability of the time, textual and archaeological evidence from this period is scarce, and constructing its history has been notoriously difficult.

One of the few surviving texts from the Second Intermediate Period (2IP) are a group of inscriptions called the "Kamose texts". Kamose was the last Theban king of the 2IP before his brother Ahmose succeeded the throne, launching a new dynasty and inaugurating a "golden age" in Egyptian history by expelling the Hyksos and Nubians from Egypt and establishing the beginnings of a vast empire. These texts seemingly tell the story of Kamose's attempt to do the same, possibly laying the groundwork for his younger brother's later success. They describe a series of military excursions undertaken by the king in Thebes against the Hyksos king Apophis in Avaris, and an unknown king in Nubia (Kush). These texts consist of 3 parts:

Part 1

The First Kamose Stela & the Carnarvon Tablet

The first part of the Kamose Texts is known from a few fragments of a broken stela (above), which luckily was copied in part by a dutiful scribe practicing his cursive hieroglyphs on a piece of wood. The two tell the story of King Kamose addressing his court in Thebes, indignantly wondering aloud why he should have to share Egypt with other kings, before preparing to go to war against the people of Avaris and Nubia. Although the fighting begins here, the text on both documents breaks off before much detail is revealed about the king's movements.

Part 2

The Third Kamose Stela

Found by archaeologists third, this stela probably contains the second part of the Kamose Texts. It is too fragmentary to read more than a word or two in a row, but two things can be gleaned from what is legible:

  • It was commissioned by Kamose
  • The text is about military action against Nubia

The size and design of the stela closely match that of the "Second Kamose Stela" (below) which contains part 3 of the Kamose texts, suggesting that the two were originally a pair. While no narrative details can be extracted from this stela, it is instructive to know that Kamose seems to have turned his armies towards Nubia as a part of his military campaigning.

Part 3

The Second Kamose Stela

This final portion of the Kamose texts begins "in media res" with Kamose directly mocking Apophis from somewhere near Avaris. The Theban king's armies have apparently done very well and crushed all resistance on their way north. After taunting Apophis and plundering his countryside, the Theban armies return south victorious, as Kamose threatens to return and sack Avaris.

This third part of the texts is by far the most complete of the three, and contains names of towns, local rulers, descriptions of troop movements, as well as all manner of detail. It is for these reasons that this stela in particular is one of the most important and useful written sources for studying the end of the 2IP.

Given so few alternate sources for this period, it is hard to critically assess the veracity of the story being told in these texts. They come from a king whose family would ultimately defeat and/or subjugate the Nubians and the Hyksos, and the bias contained within them is obvious. So the question becomes not only, "what can this text tell us about this period?" but also, "how does this fit in with the few other data points we have from this period?" Given all this data perhaps we can make an attempt to determine the extent of control, or spheres of influence, of each of these power during this time.

To start to get at some of these questions, we will look at the beginning of Part 1 (The First Kamose Stela & the Carnarvon Tablet) in which Kamose expresses his displeasure at the situation within Egypt to his council of high officials, while they describe the current state of geopolitical affairs. As you scroll through the story, the map on the left will display the locations mentioned in the text to give you an idea of where they are talking about.

Regnal Year 3 (of) the Horus: He who has appeared upon his throne; The Two Ladies: Repeating of Monuments; The Golden Falcon: He who contents the Two Lands; King of Upper and Lower Egypt [Wadj-kheper-Re Son of Re] Kamose the valiant, granted life, beloved of Amun-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands like Re, forever and ever. The victorious King within Thebes, Kamose the valiant, given life forever, is the effective King. It is Re [who has placed him] as King, himself, to whom he has given victory in very truth.

Side Note

He who contents the Two Lands; King of Upper and Lower Egypt.

Egypt is traditionally divided into two lands: The land of the Sedge, or Upper Egypt (red on the map), and the land of the Bee, or Lower Egypt (blue on the map). You'll notice that Upper Egypt is on the top of our map, but actually lies in the south. That is because, although ancient Egyptian were very familiar with the cardinal directions, Upper and Lower Egypt refer to the direction that the Nile flows, which is South to North.

To be considered a true King, a pharaoh was expected to reign over both portions of Egypt. Although he calls himself King, it is clear that Kamose does not, in fact, rule Lower Egypt.

His Majesty spoke in his palace to the council of officials which was in his following: To what effect do I perceive it, my might, while a ruler is in Avaris and another in Kush, I sitting joined with an Asiatic and a Nubian, each man having his (own) portion of this Egypt, sharing the land with me.

There is no passing him as far as Memphis, the water of Egypt. He has possession of Hermopolis, and no man can rest, being deprived by the levies of the Setiu. I shall engage in battle with him and I shall slit his body, for my intention is to save Egypt, striking the Asiatics.

The officials of his council (then) spoke: Indeed, it is the water (the area of influence) of the Asiatics as far as Cusae. And (then) they drew in their tongues in unison: We are content with our (part of ) Egypt. Elephantine is firmly in our control, and the middle section is with us as far as Cusae. The finest of the fields are ploughed for us, and our cattle graze in the Delta.Emmer is sent for our swine. Our cattle are not taken away, and [...] are not pillaged from the (encampments?). He possesses the land of the Asiatics,(but) we possess Egypt. Should one who acts against us come, then we shall act against him.

According to the text so far, these green, red, and blue shaded areas represent the geographic areas controlled by the kings of Kush, Thebes, and Avaris, respectively.

They (these words) were disturbing in the heart of His Majesty. As for your counsels [...]. Dividing the land with me is not tolerable for me. [...] the Asiatics (allied?) with him. I shall sail northwards to do battle with the Asiatics, and success will come to pass. If he intends to be at ease in ..., then his eyes will be about to weep, and the entire land [will say]: the ruler within Thebes, Kamose the valiant, is the protector of Egypt.

By the command of Amun, astute of counsel, I sailed north to my victory to drive back the Asiatics...

The story continues for a little while longer before breaking off, but for our purposes we will stop here.

The Artifacts

We now turn to an examination of artifacts known to have been associated with either Kamose or Apophis. The maps below contain all the known artifacts of the two kings which: a) contain their name in the form of royal titulary carved into them, and b) we know where they came from and have a good idea of where they were during the 2IP. Each picture will give a brief description of the object, while the map will give a general indication of where it comes from.

***Some images are not available because the objects are either unpublished, lost, or unavailable.

Apohis' Artifacts

Part of shrine of Apophis' sister

Pair of Colossi of Imyremeshaw

6 Small Granite Sphinxes

2 Large Sphinxes

Granite Sphinx

Door Jamb

Vessel

Dagger of Nehemen

Scribal Palette

Vase

Rhind Mathematical Papyrus

Adze-blade

Architrave

Part of shrine of Apophis' sister

Vienna ÄS 8606 + Cairo TD-8423 [177].

Avaris

Pair of Colossi of Imyremeshaw

JE 37466-37467

Avaris

Apophis added his name to to these statues originally belonging to Imyremeshaw.

* Found at Tanis (San al-Hagar), but presumed to have come from Avaris by way of Pi-Ramesses in the 21st Dynasty

6 Small Granite Sphinxes

CG 39

CG 39

CG 530

CG 124

Cairo SR 175

Cario RT 8.2.21.4

Avaris

4 intact sphinxes found, with fragments of 2 more. Apophis added his name to these sphinxes originally belonging to Amenemhat III (since erased).

* Found at Tanis (San al-Hagar), but presumed to have come from Avaris by way of Pi-Ramesses in the 21st Dynasty.

2 Large Sphinxes

Louvre A 21 and Cairo CG 1197

Avaris

Apophis added his name to these sphinxes originally belonging to Amenemhat II or III (since erased).

* Found at Tanis (San al-Hagar), but presumed to have come from Avaris by way of Pi-Ramesses in the 21st Dynasty.

Granite Sphinx

N/A

Tell el-Maskhuta

Apophis added his name to this sphinx originally belonging to Amenemhat III (since erased).

Door Jamb

BM EA 1101

Bubastis

Vessel

BM EA 32069 [formerly 4498/b]

Tell el-Yahudiya

Dagger of Nehemen

Cairo JE 32735 [CG 52768]

Saqqara

Scribal Palette

Berlin 7798

Medinet el-Faiyum

Vase

MMA 21.7.7

Tomb AN B (Dra Abu el-Naga)

Rhind Mathematical Papyrus

BM EA 10058

Ramesseum

Papyrus dated to year 33 of Apophis' reign

Copy of an older text, and our main source of information about Egyptian mathematics.

Adze-blade

BM EA 66206

Unprovenanced

The blade contains Apophis' name and a dedication to the god Sobek, Lord of Sumenu, indicating that it probably was originally from the city of Sumenu. Its exact location remains unknown, but Egyptologists are relatively certain it is close to Gebelein.

Architrave

JE 29238

Gebelein

Kamose's Artifacts

First Kamose Stela

Second Kamose Stela

Sarcophagus

Dagger

Fan

Votive Bark

Axe

Axe-blade

Sword

Axe (Qurna)

Cartouches

Scarab-seal in gold mount

Rock Inscription (Toshka)

Rock Inscription (Arminna)

Frog-shaped Amulet

Year 3 Stela

Soldier Stela

First Kamose Stela

Cairo Temp. 11.1.35.1

Karnak

Second Kamose Stela

N/A

Karnak

Sarcophagus

Cairo JE 4944

Dra' Abu el-Naga

Kamose Burial

Dagger

N/A

Dra' Abu el-Naga'

Kamose Burial

Fan

Cairo JE 4672 [CG 52705]

Draʻ Abu el-Naga'

Queen Ahhotep II Burial

Votive Bark

Cairo JE 4669+4681

Draʻ Abu el-Naga'

Queen Ahhotep II Burial

Axe

Cairo JE 4675

Draʻ Abu el-Naga'

Queen Ahhotep II Burial

Axe-blade

Ashmolean 1927.4623

Draʻ Abu el-Naga'

Queen Ahhotep II Burial

Sword

Ashmolean 1927.4622

Draʻ Abu el-Naga'

Queen Ahhotep II Burial

Axe (Qurna)

Cairo JE 4677

Draʻ Abu el-Naga'

Cartouches

Petrie Museum 11849

Thebes

Scarab-seal in gold mount

Petrie Museum 11848

Thebes

Rock Inscription (Toshka)

N/A

Toshka

Rock Inscription (Arminna)

N/A

Arminna

Frog-shaped Amulet

BM EA 51275

Faras

Year 3 Stela

Buhen No. 488

Buhen

Soldier Stela

N/A

Buhen

Combined Map

The map below contains the locations of the artifacts explored above, as well as the territorial map created based on the locations mentioned at the begining of the Kamose texts for comparison.

The green, red, and blue shaded areas represent the geographic areas controlled by the Kush, Thebes, and Avaris, respectively, according to the Kamose texts, while the stars represent areas where objects associated with Kamose (red) and Apophis (blue) have been found.

A few things immediately stand out: First, there are a number of artifacts found with Apophis' inscriptions deep into Kamose's territory, some even beyond the capital city of Thebes. Alternately, Kamose left no evidence of his reign in Apophis' territory. Theban inscriptions from his reign have been found deep into Nubian territory however, well beyond the 1st cataract, the traditional southern border of Egypt.

So what does this mean?

Hyksos artifacts in Theban territory: Apophis ruled from Avaris for around 40 years. During that same period, Thebes went through a succession of 9 different kingships, with the longest one lasting for no more than 7 years. There is very scant evidence of Apophis' relationship with these kings; it has been suggested that some of them may even have been his vassals, or had an otherwise peaceful relationship with Avaris. It is quite possible that territorial claims and alliances could have shifted drastically from the time Apophis began his kingship to Kamose's attack against him. The Kamose texts are the only contemporary written account of relations between the two kingdoms, so we cannot say for sure.

Lack of Theban artifacts in Hyksos territory: Kamose's attack the Hyksos ends with him and his army returning to Thebes victorious. It is clear though, that he did not conquer Avaris or kill Apophis. Whatever territorial gains he accomplished in the course of this invasion described in the text must have been short-lived, because he never returned to build or inscribe anything. Despite this victory, worthy of being recorded on stone, it was probably not as definitive or monumental as it is made out to be. Further, this invasion took place during year 3 of Kamose's reign, and we know that he only ruled for another 2 or 3 years before his brother Ahmose ascended to the throne. It has been suggested that Kamose launched another invasion against Avaris, and was killed during that campaign.

Theban artifacts in Nubian territory: While Kamose did not hold Upper Egypt, it is clear that he did indeed launch a campaign into Nubia (Kush) and successfully held territory there. The types of artifacts found there are suggestive of this as well: The objects furthest south are rock inscriptions and stelae, which require time and artisans to produce. It is likely that Kamose's southern invasion was successful in establishing Egyptian hegemony and control there. Unfortunately, the part of the Kamose text that deals with his Nubian campaign is mostly lost (Part 2, Third Kamose Stela).

A Closer Look At The Evidence:

As much as we'd like to trust and rely on the artifacts we have looked at so far, there are a number of factors that must be taken into consideration before we can fully understand what we are dealing with.

Provenancing

Of the 71 objects we know of inscribed with the names of either Apophis or Kamose, 30 of them are unprovenanced, meaning that we do not know where they were originally found. It is likely that these pieces, mostly found in the late 19th/early 20th century, were sold to private collectors or museums with little or no archaeological information preserved. These items were excluded from our analysis above, but losing 40% of the data right off the bat should be considered more than just a footnote in any ultimate conclusions. These 30 objects could lead us to wildly different interpretations of these kings' reigns depending on where exactly they came from.

It should also be noted that 71 objects is a minuscule number compared to other the evidence we have from other Egyptian kings. For reference, King Tut sat on the throne for only nine years, and yet we have more than 5,000 objects attributable to him from his tomb alone.

Attribution Certainty

While the objects for this study were selected specifically because they have either Kamose's or Apophis' name carved into them, Egyptologists perhaps cheat a little in this regard, particularly when it comes to Apophis. Sometime after the defeat of the Hyksos during the New Kingdom, a campaign of damnatio memoriae and object reuse was implemented against most artifacts which belonged to these kings. As a result of this practice, the name Apophis has actually been erased on all sphinxes and statues that Egyptologists attribute to him, save three. In some cases, a sign or two can still be read, but none of them contain any full version of his name or royal titulary. This has led egyptologists to identify objects associated with Apophis based not on an actual reading of his name, but on a quirk of artistic convention: If a statue has an erased inscription going down the right arm, it is likely assumed that it was Apophis' name that was erased. The three statues on which his name was not erased do have his titulary in this exact spot, and it is not a convention known from any other king.

Given that, is it fair to assume that all of these objects can actually be attributed to Apophis?

(One such erased inscription can be seen on the sphinx's arm in the picture on the left)

Findspots

Less than half of the provenanced artifacts from these two kings were actually found in an archaeological context that suggests they were placed there contemporary with their reigns (20 vs 21 artifacts). In other words, we know that these objects have not just been laying in the sand where they were dropped for the past 3,500 years. To give one example, nearly every sphinx listed above that is attributed to Apophis and Avaris was actually found in the ancient city of Tanis, about 25 kilometers away. It's believed that these sphinxes actually originated further south in an area known as the Fayum, were moved to Avaris by Apophis, then moved to the neighboring city of Piramesses some 250 years later, and then moved to Tanis 200 years after that (which is ultimately where modern excavators found them). All this is to say that attempting to discern where these objects were located during the 40 year reign of Apophis, or the 3-6 year reign of Kamose requires careful study, and is usually no more than an educated guess.

Additionally, our ability to return to some of these sites and look for more evidence is either restricted or impossible. Modern development may occur directly on top of old sites, making them inaccessible without moving the living population currently occupying the area. The displacement of people to allow for access to archaeological sites is morally dubious, especially since many of the people who historically have been displaced by such activity are often economically marginalized to begin with. This consideration was given short shrift when the High Aswan Dam was built near the Egypt/Sudan border in the 1960s and 70s. The dam provided Egypt with hydro-electric power and stopped the Nile's annual flooding, but also created Lake Nasser, one of the world's largest man-made lakes, which displaced over 100,00 people. In addition to the loss of these peoples' homes, 22 major archaeological sites now sit at the bottom of the lake, with no hope of being revisited. Five objects in this study (13%) came from sites that are now inaccessible, two of which were carved into the living rock, and are now underwater.


Concluding Thoughts

When reconstructing the past, which should we trust more, the biases of texts, or the incompleteness of archaeology? It is clear to me, and hopefully to you as well, that both must be used in tandem, and even then, the final picture is often left more confused than clear. The data may be contradictory and inscrutable, but periods of great transition are always complex but worthy of our attention. It would be the defeat of Apophis' son at the hands of Kamose's brother which would unify Upper and Lower Egypt and usher in the 18th Dynasty and the New Kingdom, a "Golden Age" which saw Egypt at its height of dominion, power, and wealth. That we know little about the circumstances which gave rise to this monumental transformation is unfortunate, but not surprising, as it is buried 3,000 years in the past and under the remains of an empire. But this only reinforces the fact that every object and every clue is worth examining closely and carefully, because there isn't much, and every bit of data is important.

Hopefully this project gave you a better idea of what ancient Egypt was like at the end of the 2IP through an exploration of its most important text and associated artifacts. I also hope that it highlighted some of the difficulties inherent in studying this period.

About

The list of objects compiled for this project was created by cross-referencing the following sources and adding other objects which I came across in my studies:

  • The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period by Kim Ryholt & Anthony Spalinger
  • Later Life of Middle Kingdom Monuments: Interrogating Tanis by Marsha Hill
  • How to Build a Capital: The Second Life of Pre-Ramesside Materials in Pi-Ramesses by Barbara Gilli

Once I had an established list of objects attributable to Kamose and Apophis, I read through any works published about each piece in order to determine:

  • Where the object was found/If it could be prevenanced
  • Where it was believed to have been placed during the 2IP, if difference from provenance
  • Any additional interesting notes

GPS coordinates were then given to provenance and original 2IP locations using google earth. Since many of these objects were discovered prior to the invention of GPS, their coordinates referenced the general area or site. Archeological reports from the late 1800s/early 1900, where far more general in their descriptions of site and object locations, and so some educated guesses had to be made by me to give some objects coordinates.

This information was entered into an excel spreadsheet, which was then manipulated and used to create the above maps and data visualizations in ArcGIS and Tableau, respectively.

Additionally, William Kelly Simpson's translation of the Kamose texts was used to identify the locations named in part 1 of the texts, which again were given coordinated using google earth. The glyphs used in this project which accompany his translation were taken from Historisch-Biographische Texte Der 2. Zwischenzeit Und Neue Texte Der 18. Dynastie by Wolfgang Helck, and typed in a digital form my me, using a hieroglyphic text creation program called Jsesh.

This page was created using the ArcGIS Storymap platform.

Select Bibliography

  • Gilli, Barbara. “How to Build a Capital: The Second Life of Pre-Ramesside Materials in Pi-Ramesses.” In Mit Archäologischen Schichten Geschichte Schreiben: Festschrift Für Edgar B. Pusch Zum 70. Geburtstag, edited by Henning Franzmeier, Thilo Rehren, and Regine Schulz (Hildesheim: Verlag Gebrüder Gerstenberg, 2016), 139 - 176.
  • Habachi, Labib. The second Stela of Kamose and his struggle against the Hyksos ruler and his capital. Blückstadt: J.J. Augustin, 1972.
  • Helck, Wolfgang. Historisch-Biographische Texte Der 2. Zwischenzeit Und Neue Texte Der 18. Dynastie. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1983.
  • Hill, Marsha, "Later Life of Middle Kingdom Monuments: Interrogating Tanis" in Ancient Egypt Transformed: The MIddle Kingdom, edited by Adela Oppenheim, Dorothea Arnold, Dieter Arnold and Kei Yamamoto (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2015), 294 - 336.
  • Pharaonen und Fremde: Dynastien im Dunkel. Wien: Eigenverlag der Museen der Stadt Wien, 1994.
  • Ryholt, Kim, and Adam Bülow-Jacobsen. The Political Situation in Egypt During the Second Intermediate Period, c. 1800-1550 B.C. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1997.
  • Shaw, Ian. The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt. New York: Oxford Univeristy Press, 2003.
  • Simpson, William Kelly. The Literature of Ancient Egypt: Third Edition. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003.