L’viv’s coffeehouses

Coffee has been known in Europe since the 15th and 16th centuries. Already in the 17th century, cafés were established all over the continent. Especially Vienna in the 19th century was known for its "Kaffehäuser" (coffeehouses). ^[1]  They were a meeting place, where a civic culture developed. Guests could come in for a drink, read newspapers, chat with known or unknown people, have a discussion with friends, and play different kinds of card games, billiard, domino, or chess. It was a place where they could receive mails, exchange information, or sit alone in the corner, read a book or write an article. In theory, cafés offered a public space, where everyone could come together in a non-hierarchic place. But in practice, it was a male-dominated space, that not everyone could afford or was welcomed in. ^[2] 

Very soon, the Viennese example of cafés found adaptation. Around 1800, nearly every larger town in the Habsburg Empire had its own coffeehouse. This was also the case for the multicultural city of L'viv, also known as Lwów/Lvov/Lembirk and back then called Lemberg, the capital of the Crown Land of Galicia and Lodomeria. ^[3]  Accordingly, the Viennese Café opened in 1829 and was one of the first coffeehouses, which was highly frequented. ^[4]  In 1841, the German traveller Johann Georg Kohl noted: "Lemberg does have better and more elegant coffeehouses than Dresden or some other German cities of comparable size." ^[5]  However, in comparison to other Habsburg cities, L'viv had less to offer: while in 1902 Cracow had 131 coffeehouses per 100.000 inhabitants, in L'viv there were only 31, ^[6]  even though both cities did not differ much in their social structure. ^[7]  The explanation of this gap requires further inquiries. However, the cafés played an important role in the city's life.

In the more exclusive coffeehouses, mainly artists and the upper class spent their time - the working class usually attended the much cheaper coffee-stalls. However, also the more noble coffeehouses adapted to their visitors: the ones mostly visited by the middle class were guided by the needs of their families and working times, the ones mostly visited by artists, challenging this conventional lifestyle, were open until late night. ^[8]  Additionally, for artists, the coffeehouse was a special space to escape the city's confined living conditions. ^[9]  This had an enormous impact on the literary production of the time as the Ukrainian author Petro Karman'skyj describes:

"Here the poor Ukrainian artist, who usually dwelled in a miserable cave without light, air, and heating, already in the time before World War One found refuge: comfortable sitting accommodations, warmth and lightning, a lot of newspapers and magazines in different languages, lexica and other books of reference, and last but not least a good company, keen conversations and entertainment, as well as these seldom moments, which allowed to forget the sad reality - and all that for the price of some Kreuzer for a coffee or a tea." ^[10] 

One of the most famous coffeehouses in L'viv at the time was the Café Schneider, which was part of the  Schneider-Building  in the Akademicka Street 7. It was opened not later than 1879, when Gustaw Schneider already owned the building. In 1890 and 1897 Schneider renovated the café ^[13] , and in 1900 the Kurjer Lwowski pointed out that it was "actually in fashion". ^[14]  After Schneider's death in 1900 Jakób Rollauer took over the business. The café offered daily nearly 100 national and international newspapers and owned three billiard tables. In March 1912 the Schneider closed due to the planned dismantling of the building. ^[15] 

In the late 19th and early 20th century, the Café Schneider was a meeting place for predominantly Polish artists, like the painter Marian Olszewski, or writers like Stanisław Przybyszewski, Stanisław Wyspiański and Jan Kasprowicz, who even had his own table. ^[16] 

Another national democratic magazine, the Goniec Polski, which together with the Słowo belonged to the National League (Liga Narodowa), ^[30]  tried to defame the Schneider. In one article, the café's public was described as "Longhaired poets, bearded painters, grizzled reviewers, everything drinks like hell", ^[31]  pejoratively objectifying them by using the grammatical neutral instead of the male forms, like with poets ("poety" instead of "poeci"), or writing "wszystko" (everything) instead of "wszyscy" (everybody).

As we see, the café was a contested place. Even though for example the Kurjer and the Słowo had certain links between each other, like the writer Jan Kasprowicz. Still, Polish political groups were divided and political discussions in the café often did not find a common ground. ^[32]  Moreover, when for some the café was an important place to work, others used the casual working culture as an argument against them, negating the seriousness of their work. Not only the national democrats of the Goniec, but probably also conservatives considered it a place of drunkenness and a lack of moral, unsuitable for pupils and women. ^[33] 

In comparison to the Schneider, the Monopol existed for a merely short period (1902-1912), but it seemed to be very important for the regular visitor. When it had to close due to the rebuilding plans of the building's owner, the Polish historian Franciszek Jaworski published an article in the Kurjer Lwowski:

"Yesterday they [the guests - L. V.] all have been sitting in the 'Monopol' and today their fate and Mr. Sprecher, the new owner of the building, dispersed them to other coffeehouses. For sure they are wistful, grumpy, and are going to be that for still a long time, as long as they will not get used to another location." ^[38] 

The Monopol wasn't furnished as lavishly as other cafes, instead it offered low, warm, and cosy rooms, where the air was filled with the smoke of cigarettes. ^[39]  In its advertisement, it was described as being furnished in European style with a large offer of various newspapers. It hosted billiard tables and was open until 3 a.m. ^[40]  The atmosphere has been described as rather familiar and there were fewer people playing cards or other games than in other coffeehouses of L'viv. ^[41] 

In comparison to the Schneider, the guests were more diverse. They included politicians from the Peasants Movement like Szczepan Mikołajski, older people sitting alone in front of their newspapers, some militaries, as well as artists like the Austrian-Polish modernist writers from the group Young Poland (Młoda Polska) Frederyk Pautsch and professors like Stanisław Zarewicz. ^[42]  It was also popular among language circles, like the Polish-Italian, the Polish-Hungarian or the Polish-Czech, which regularly came here for their meetings. ^[43]  And even L'viv's stamp collectors found a place for their trading here. ^[44] 

After his time at the Schneider and the Viennese, Ivan Franko came here regularly for his routine of drinking coffee, reading newspapers, working on new articles, or just thinking about the articles he just read a moment ago. ^[45]  In this period, he earned his status as a Ukrainian national poet after he had mostly left behind his socialist views to write predominantly for a Ukrainian audience. ^[46]  Thanks to this status, students and young writers often used their chance in the afternoon to ask him questions, to show him their latest texts or to discuss recent political developments. ^[47] 

By then, he preferred Ukrainian companions when visiting cafés. These were, for example, Ukrainian modernist writers of the group Young Muse (Moloda Muza), who regularly gathered in the Monopol. As one of their members, Petro Karman'skyj described: "Of all these coffeehouses, the Monopol played the most important role in the life of the Ukrainian Bohemé in the first decade of our century." ^[48]  Also, the members of the  Shevchenko Scientific Society  often came here to meet and discuss while drinking tea or coffee. ^[49]  In 1903, Serhii Iefremov, later a political activist and literature critic, came to L'viv from Kyiv with the help of a scholarship to study Ukrainian culture and politics. Upon his arrival, Ivan Franko took him to the Monopol to "introduce the newcomer Ukrainian to L'viv's life." ^[50] 

Volodymyr Doroshenko, a Ukrainian student from St. Petersburg, who came to L'viv in 1904 for  a scientific holiday course, organised by the Shevchenko Society , described the meeting at the Monopol as follows:

"Franko came over here to grab coffee and newspapers. Besides him, also [Mychailo] Hrushevskyj, [Volodymyr] Hnatiuk, [Fedir] Vovk and other scientists, who were close to the Shevchenko Scientific Society, gathered here. They had a seperate table for themselves, where in their group without disruption they could relax after work, look through the news and to have a good chat. And when somebody wanted to meet one of them, then around 5 o'clock in the afternoon one could always find the needed person without coming to their office or home." ^[51] 

L'viv’s coffeehouses before World War One were highly frequented by artists and intellectuals; they had a notable influence on their work. Additionally, the situation in the coffeehouses reflected the interethnic relations of this period. Even though cafés provided a common space, where different groups of the city’s population could meet, they often sat apart from each other, and hardly interacted if not necessary, just like was in the rest of the public spaces in the city. ^[62] 

However, at this point, the coffeehouses in L'viv mirrored coffeehouses all over the rest of Europe at this time. Most often, they had separate rooms for different purposes such as billiard, reading or playing games and reserved space for special groups, like in case of the tables for the staff of the newspapers the Kurjer Lwowski or the Słowo Polskie in the Schneider. And even if people met in the main room, the guests were often separated by an invisible border, which seemed to run through the café. Therefore, people usually knew with whom they could or couldn't interact: discussions with other groups were rather unusual. ^[63]  Everybody had their own place where he or she would feel comfortable. In the time of the growing influence of nationalism, ^[64]  that division grew further.

In 1917, the cleric Wasylewicz, when he had to pay his bill at a Polish-owned restaurant, he demanded the cashier to speak Ukrainian to him, and when she couldn't, he just left. After that, he returned to pay but, anyway, called for a boycott of the restaurant in an article in the Ukrainian newspaper Słowo Ukraińskie. The owner of the restaurant, Jan Ludwig, responded to this incident in the Kurjer Lwowski as "unfounded claims, which were now being made by Ukrainians about the Polish character of the city of Lwów." ^[65]  

Except for such later incidents during the war, however, we must not forget, that everyday life at the coffeehouses was calm most of the time. Usually, the guests just had a good time there. However, they were not excluded from the developments in the city, which makes them an interesting example of how the social coexistence of L'viv's multicultural community changed over time - but also how literati actively took part in creating these changes.

1. Sebastian Domsch, "Das Kaffeehaus: Bürgerliche Öffentlichkeit", Handbuch Literatur & Raum, hg. v. Jörg Dünne, Andreas Mahler, Berlin (Boston 2015), p. 413–420, p. 41.
2. Ibidem, p. 414–415; Franziska Bollerey, Trendsetter der Moderne. Cafés, Hotels, Restaurants : Orte des Genusses und der Freizeit = Setting the stage for modernity : cafés, hotels, restaurants : places of pleasure and leisure (Berlin 201) p. 37; Andreas Weigl, "Kaffeehäuser im städtischen Raum - Öffentlichkeitsräume im Kaffehaus. Am Beispiel des "Wiener Kaffeehauses" (1780-1914)", Orte der Stadt im Wandel vom Mittelalter zur Gegenwart. Treffpunkte, Verkehr und Fürsorge, hg. v. Lukas Morscher, Martin Scheutz, Walter Schuster (Innsbruck, Wien, Bozen 2013), p. 107–139, p. 114–124; Weigl, Kaffeehäuser im städtischen Raum, p. 127–130.
3. Weigl, Kaffeehäuser im städtischen Raum, p. 107–110.
4. Delphine Bechtel, "Kaffeehausjuden : Les Juifs de Lemberg/ Lwów et la culture des cafés", Germanica, Vol. 67, 2020, p. 85–100, p. 87.
5. Johann Georg Kohl, Reisen im Inneren von Russland und Polen. T. 3, Die Bukowina, Galizien, Krakau und Mähren (Dresden 1841), p. 105: "Lemberg hat bessere und elegantere Kaffeehäuser als Dresden und manch andere deutsche Stadt von gleicher Größe." All translations to English have been made by the author.
6. Weigl, Kaffeehäuser im städtischen Raum, p. 110.
7. Birgit Bolognese-Leuchtenmüller, Bevölkerungsentwicklung und Berufsstruktur, Gesundheits- und Fürsorgewesen in Österreich 1750-1918 (Wien 1978), Teil 2: 218-222; Brian R. Mitchell, Europe. 1750 - 2000 (Basingstoke, Hampshire 2003), p. 75. Comparing the structure of professions, in both cities we find nearly the same proportions between different kinds of professions as well as in the proportions between employment and self-employment (regarding to my own calculations). If these would differ, the great gap between the coffeehouses in the two cities could have been explained economically.
8. Weigl, Kaffeehäuser im städtischen Raum, p. 109; Shaḥar Pinsḳer, A rich brew. How cafés created modern Jewish culture (New York 2018), p. 9; Ulla Heise, Kaffee und Kaffeehaus. Eine Bohne macht Kulturgeschichte (Leipzig 1996), p. 160–167.
9. Weigl, Kaffeehäuser im städtischen Raum, p. 122.
10. Petro Karman'skyj, "Im Kaffeehaus", Lemberg, hg. v. Alois Woldan (Klagenfurt 2008), p. 237–242, p. 238–239: "Hier fand der arme ukrainische Künstler, der üblicherweise in einer erbärmlichen Höhle ohne Licht, Luft und Beheizung hauste, schon in der Zeit vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg Zuflucht: komfortable Sitzgelegenheiten, Wärme und Beleuchtung, eine Menge Zeitungen und Zeitschriften in verschiedenen Sprachen, Lexika und andere Nachschlagewerke, zu guter Letzt aber eine interessante Gesellschaft, geistreiche Konversationen und Unterhaltung, wie auch jene seltenen Momente, welche die traurige Wirklichkeit vergessen ließen - und das alles um den Preis von ein paar Kreuzern für Kaffee oder Tee".
11. Ibidem, p. 239; Bechtel, Kaffeehausjuden : Les Juifs de Lemberg, p. 87.
12. Compare Phillip Ther, Chancen und Untergang einer multiethnischen Stadt: Die Beziehung zwischen den Nationalitäten in Lemberg in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts, in: Nationaliätenkonflikte im 20. Jahrhundert. Ursachen von inter-ethnischer Gewalt im Vergleich, hg. v. Phillip Ther, Holm Sundhaussen, Wiesbaden, p. 123–145, p. 125–133.
13. Kurjer Lwowski, 1890, Nr. 248, p. 6; 1897, Nr. 200, p. 3.
14. Ibidem, 1900, Nr. 296 p. 2: "Obecnie w modzie".
15. Юрій Винничук, Кнайпи Львова (Львів 2005), p. 114–116; Kurjer Lwowski, 1903, Nr. 260, p. 7; 1912, Nr. 101, p. 8.
16. Винничук, Кнайпи Львова, p. 114–116.
17. Kurjer Lwowski, 1906, Nr. 532, p. 2; 1885, Nr. 194, p. 3; 1907, Nr. 81, p. 1; Gazeta Narodowa, 1896, Nr. 182, p. 3. The sport clubs seem to have a more national focus, because the information about meetings also were published in Polish national newspapers like the Gazeta Narodowa, unlike for example the information about the club's meeting in Monopol, which in the Polish press are only to find in the Kurjer.
18. Kurjer Lwowski, 1885, Nr. 304, p. 4; 1886, Nr. 7, p. 2; 1901, Nr. 115 p. 4; 1904, Nr. 123, p. 3; 1901, Nr. 352, p. 4; 1896, Nr. 126, p. 3.
19. Ibidem, 1901, Nr. 352, p. 4: "Ruch przeciwko niemiecczyźnie".
20. Jerzy Jarowiecki, Prasa ugrupowań politycznych we Lwowie w okresie autonomii galicyjskiej (1867-1918), (Kraków 2001), p. 415.
21. Василь Щурат, "Взаємини Франка з Каспровичем", Спогади про Івана Франка, упор. М. Гнатюк (Львів 2011), p. 364–366, 364-362; Винничук, Кнайпи Львова, p. 114; Franz Reichmann, Adress- und Geschäfts-Handbuch der Landeshauptstadt Lemberg. Achter Jahrgang (Lwów 1904), p. 324.
22. Щурат, Взаємини Франка з Каспровичем, 364-362.
23. Yaroslaw Hrytsak, "Nationalizing a Multiethnic Space. The Case(s) of Ivan Franko and Galicia", Imperienvergleich : Beispiele und Ansätze aus osteuropäischer Perspektive. Festschrift für Andreas Kappeler, hg. v. Guido Hausmann, Angela Rustemeyer, (Wiesbaden 2009), p. 247–267, p. 258–263; Михайло Рудницький, "Іван Франко", Спогади про Івана Франка, упор. М. Гнатюк (Львів 2011), p. 477–509, p. 497–499.
24. Щурат, Взаємини Франка з Каспровичем, 364-362; Hrytsak, Nationalizing a Multiethnic Space, p. 262–263. Franko in this time also was a correspondent for Galicia of the Viennese newspaper Die Zeit, where 1897 he published an article with the title "Adam Mickiewicz, ein Dichter des Verrats" (Adam Mickiewicz, a Poet of Treason), which discussed the presented about theses and which directly caused his throw-out from the Kurjer.
25. Михайло Грушевський, "Апостолові праці", Спогади про Івана Франка, упор. М. Гнатюк (Львів 2011), p. 272–294, p. 289.
26. Рудницький, Іван Франко, p. 480–481.
27. Винничук, Кнайпи Львова, p. 114–115; Jarowiecki, Prasa ugrupowań politycznych we Lwowie, p. 403–406. Kasprowicz also after the take-over through the national democrats went on writing for the newspaper.
28. Винничук, Кнайпи Львова, p. 115; Reichmann, Adress- und Geschäfts-Handbuch der Landeshauptstadt (1904), p. 325.
29. Kurjer Lwowski, 1905, Nr. 106, p. 3: "Dowiedzieli się tam bowiem zdumieni czytelnicy, że wojna rosyjsko japońska zawcześnie wybuchła, o parę lat, a gdyby tak rząd japoński posłuchał był przestróg narodowych demokratów, wygłaszanych w pauzach między jedną a drugą partią domina w kawiarni Schneidra, to oni, narodowi-demokraci, byliby dopiero pokazali, co znaczy ich 'organizacja' w Królestwie."
30. Jarowiecki, Prasa ugrupowań politycznych we Lwowie, p. 407.
31. Goniec Polski, 1908, Nr. 351, p. 4: "Długowłose poety, brodate malarze, łyse recenzenty, wszystko pije na umór."
32. Kurjer Lwowski, 1900, Nr. 296, p. 2.
33. Ibidem, 1906, Nr. 237, p. 6. In 1906, for example, the member of the city council Włodzimierz Czarnecki complained, that ladies and pupils had to go to the Viennese Cafe for buying here theatre ticket, because it was not a suitable place ("miesjce nieopowiedne") for them.
34. Karman'skyj, Im Kaffeehaus, p. 239; Franciszek Jaworski, O szarym Lwowie (Lwów 1917), p. 214–215; Винничук, Кнайпи Львова, p. 89–94.
35. Franz Reichmann, Adress- und Geschäfts-Handbuch der Landeshauptstadt Lemberg. Fünfter Jahrgang (Lwów 1901), p. 242; Kurjer Lwowski, 1894, Nr. 107, p. 3; 31.03.1899, p. 8.
36. Kurjer Lwowski, 1909, Nr. 140, p. 4.
37. Jaworski, O szarym Lwowie, p. 214–215; Reichmann, Adress- und Geschäfts-Handbuch der Landeshauptstadt (1901), p. 64; Gazeta Narodowa, 1890, Nr. 38; Kurjer Lwowski, 1898, Nr. 328; Unfortunately, none of the articles or texts about the Monopol tells us her name. But in the press of the time there are only two mentions of a woman called Hexlowa/Hekslowa - the old Polish form for calling somebody's wife by adding the suffix -owa to the second name. One time she is mentioned in an article about the gastronome's ball in 1890, the second time a woman called Marija Hexlowa donated money. As the name during this time was not very common and e. g. in the L'viv address book of 1901 we only find one person with this name - Franc Hexel - it is quite probable, that the mentioned Marija must be his wife (his daughter would have been called Hexlówna).
38. Kurjer Lwowski, 1912, Nr. 56, p. 3.This text published in the Kurjer wasn't signed by the author, but had beenreprinted nearly word by word in Jaworski, O szarym Lwowie, p. 211–215: "Wszyscy oni byli jeszcze wczoraj w "Monopolu" a dziś ich los i p. Sprecher, nowy właściciel kamienicy rozrzucił po innych kawiarniach. Pewnie są smętni, zgryźliwi i będą nim długo, dopóki się do nowego nie przywiązali lokalu".
39. Ibidem, p. 214.
40. Kurjer Lwowski, 1906, Nr. 256, p. 7.
41. Jaworski, O szarym Lwowie, p. 213–214.
42. Ibidem, p. 512–515; Винничук, Кнайпи Львова, p. 89–90.
43. Kurjer Lwowski, 15.04.1910, p. 4; 06.05.1909, p. 2; Jaworski, O szarym Lwowie, p. 214–215.
44. Kurjer Lwowski, 13.03.1909, p. 10.
45. Рудницький, Іван Франко, p. 480–481.
46. Hrytsak, Nationalizing a Multiethnic Space, p. 261–265.
47. Рудницький, Іван Франко, p. 480–481; Петро Карманський, "Український Мойсей", Спогади про Івана Франка, упор. М. Гнатюк (Львів 2011), p. 416–420, p. 417; Наталя Романович-Ткаченко, "Доктор Іван Франко", Спогади про Івана Франка, упор. М. Гнатюк (Львів 2011), p. 597–601, p. 598–599.
48. Karman'skyj, Im Kaffeehaus, p. 240: "Von allen diesen Kaffeehäusern spielt im Leben der ukrainischen Bohème im ersten Jahrzehnt unseres Jahrhunderts das 'Monopol' die wichtigste Rolle."
49. Володимир Дорошенко, "Іван Франко в моїх спогадах", Спогади про Івана Франка, упор. М. Гнатюк (Львів 2011), p. 548–552, p. 549.
50. Сергій Єфремов, "Зі спогадів про Ів. Франка", Спогади про Івана Франка, упор. М. Гнатюк (Львів 2011), p. 299–306, p. 302: "утаємничувати [...] приїжджого українця у львівське життя".
51. Дорошенко, Іван Франко в моїх спогадах, p. 549: "Сюди Франко заходив на каву й часописи. Крім нього сходилися тут Грушевський, Гнатюк, Вовк та інші науковці, що близько стояли до Наукового товариства ім. Шевченка. Там мали вони для себе окремний стіл і могли спокійно в своїм гурті відпочити після праці, переглянути новини та перекинутися добрим словом. І коли хто хотів побачитися з котримсь із них, то десь о 5-ій пополудні завсігди міг здибати тут кого треба, не потребуючи заходити до бюра або хати."
52. Pinsḳer, A rich brew, p. 7–9.
53. Kurjer Lwowski, 23.07.1910, p.12; 05.07.1911, p. 8; Reichmann, Adress- und Geschäfts-Handbuch der Landeshauptstadt (1904), p. 270; Franz Reichmann, Adress- und Geschäfts-Handbuch der Landeshauptstadt Lemberg. Achzehnter Jahrgang (Lwów 1914), p. 564. While in 1904 the cafe in the Karl Ludwig Street was named Edison, in 1914 unter the same adress is to find the Abbazia. The last time in the local press one can find a note about the Edison is in July 1910, the first note about the Abbazia appears in July 1911. So, between these two dates had to happen the renaming. It is also not clear, why the cafe was renamed.    
54. Kurjer Lwowski, 07.01.1897, p. 2; 18.12.1902, p. 2; 17.11.1901, p. 12. Even though we do not have the date of the opening, the first note about the Edison is to find in November 1901. As the Bellevue, which Reich earlier owned, opened in 1897, it is unlikely, that he much earlier than 1901 opened his next cafe.
55. Ibidem, 23.11.1907, p. 12. In this advertisement he first is mentioned as the owner of the back then Edison, but it is also possible, that he already earlier took over the business. 
56. Franz Reichmann, Adress- und Geschäfts-Handbuch der Landeshauptstadt (1914), p. 564.
57. Das Geschichtenbuch meines Lebens (Auswahl, Salzburg, Wien 1996), p. 9.
58. Meylekh Ravitsh, "Gershn Bader". Mayn leksikon (Montreal 1945), p. 48–49, quoted after Bechtel, Kaffeehausjuden: Les Juifs de Lemberg, S. 94-95: "Il y avait la des beautés au décolleté profond, des actrices juives qui séduisaientdes foules au théâtre yiddish de Gimpel, [...] Ydes étudiants de yeshiva (talmidei-khakhomim)avec leur longue barbe, qui étaient venus taper la discussion savante avec Reb GershonBader, [...] oisifs (batlonim), [...] dont la mission était de lire desjournaux toute la journée jusqu'a trois heures du matin."
59. Bechtel, Kaffeehausjuden : Les Juifs de Lemberg, p. 94–95.
60. Joshua Shanes, Diaspora nationalism and Jewish identity in Habsburg Galicia (Cambridge 2012), 146-148; 197-200. As Shanes argues, it is hard to prove the total influence of the newspapers, because many of them only worked for several months and they financially did not pay off. But there is some evidence, that these papers reached a broader public, because many shared their abonnement spread the information among others.
61. Meylekh Ravitsh, Dos mayse-bukh fun mayn lebn, T. 2: 1908-1921 (Buenos Aires, Tsentral-Farband 1964), p. 116; quoted after Bechtel, Kaffeehausjuden: Les Juifs de Lemberg, p. 95: "Mon plus grand idéal était dene rien faire… siroter un café chaud, mordre dans un croissant qui au caféAbazzia s'appelait Kipferl et regarder par la grande fenetre, justecomme ça..."
62. Markian Prokopovych, Habsburg Lemberg. Architecture, public space, and politics in the Galician capital, 1772 - 1914 (West Lafayette, Ind. 2009), p. 47–48.
63. Weigl, Kaffeehäuser im städtischen Raum 2013, p. 127.
64. Christoph Mick, Kriegserfahrungen in einer multiethnischen Stadt. Lemberg 1914 - 1947. (Zugl.: Tübingen, Univ., Habil.-Schr., 2004 u.d.T.: Mick, Christoph: Kriegserfahrung in Lemberg im Zeitalter der Weltkriege, Wiesbaden 2010), p. 55.
65. Kurjer Lwowski, 1917, Nr. 394, p. 5: "nieuzasadnione pretensje podnoszone obecnie przez Ukraińców co do polskiego charakteru miasta Lwowa."