heat & homes in boyle heights

Boyle Heights is a working class neighborhood directly to the east of Downtown Los Angeles. Boyle Heights was once home to a multitude of ethnic and religious groups: Latino, Jewish, Japanese, Russian, Armenian, African-American and more, but the current demographic of Boyle Heights residents is predominantly Latino with a little over half of the residents born outside of the United States. Historically a redlined area, Boyle Heights is considered a low income neighborhood by both the city and county of Los Angeles, as its medium household income in 2019 is $48,788.

Redlining in the United States started during the Great Depression when President Roosevelt founded both the Federal Housing Agency (FHA) and the  Home Owner’s Loan Corporation (HOLC)  to increase homeownership. It was used to rank neighborhoods based on the profitability of the area, but as it turns out, communities that were ranked well were exclusively high income and white while communities ranked poorly were predominantly low income. Therefore, it became a practice which denied financial services to lower class, non white communities and perpetrated racial segregation. Although redlining is no longer legal, it still  hurts minorities and impacts communities  today through the homeownership gap between white individuals and minorities.

Boyle Heights residents are largely low-income and Latino, which makes them prime candidates for societal marginalization. Many are speaking out against gentrification as a mounting force in their neighborhood threatening to displace them entirely. In fact, many residents are currently struggling to pay rent every month as rent prices continue to increase at a  rate faster than wages .

At the focal point of the fight against gentrification in Boyle Heights lie the art galleries. The Boyle Heights Alliance against Art-washing and Displacement (BHAAAD) specifically targets art galleries as symbols and agents of gentrification, whose lasting presence they believe actively exploits and displaces Boyle Heights residents (BHAAAD).

While gentrification is normally characterized by an influx of affluent white newcomers, the people opening trendy bakeries, upscale coffee bars, and gluten-free taco joints are often Latino themselves, prompting some to call the phenomenon occurring in Boyle Heights gentefication, a portmanteau combining the Spanish word for people, "gente", with gentrification. In communities threatened by gentrification like Boyle Heights, individuals may carry out processes of self-gentrification in order to  preserve the community's cultural landscape . (Escalante)

In other words: gentrification of Latinos, by Latinos.

While the cultural character of the neighborhood may be preserved, the social character is not as the interests of more affluent newcomers take hold. This could later pave the way for white gentrification by rendering the ethnic character of the neighborhood to be more  "palatable" to white consumers . (Escalante)

In 1990, 44% of Boyle Heights residents struggled with rent burden, a term denoting that 30% or more of a household's income is spent on rent every month. In 2015, that figure grew to 62%, with 35% of residents characterized as being under "extreme rent burden." (UCLA Luskin Center) With mounting numbers of Boyle Heights residents struggling to keep a roof over their heads, it is not surprising that the homeless population is increasing in the neighborhood, too.

In fact, displacement rates and homeless counts are highest in the very region that was once home to the now-defunct art galleries protested by BHAAD as beacons of gentrification.

Donde come uno, comen dos—where one can eat, two can eat. It's the community ethos of Boyle Heights.

"Donde come uno, comen dos—where one can eat, two can eat. It's the community ethos of Boyle Heights," says Dr. Gustavo Leclerc, an artist and UCLA cityLAB associate director who has worked in the community. "What is unique about Boyle Heights is that they created, by default, a network of organizations that became a supportive fabric in culture, community, education... But with gentrification, this can break down."

Leclerc describes Boyle Heights to be a strong community with diverse opinions within it, but ultimately a community that cares for its own and expresses itself through art. He describes how some residents came together to house undocumented youth in their backyards, and how murals and graffiti show up frequently throughout the neighborhood. "Chicano art," he says, "is about affirmation and resistance." Affirmation of the local Chicano identity; resistance against violence and oppression.

Art has a space in Boyle Heights, but its power shouldn't be underestimated. Art produced by the local, working-class population of Boyle Heights can bolster community identity and empower residents to communicate the shared hardships they face. Art from outside the community threatens to erase what it means to live in Boyle Heights, or displace residents entirely.

Caused primarily by lack of affordable housing, unemployment, and mental illness, the homeless population in Los Angeles has steadily increased upwards of 66,000 in 2020. In 2019, Los Angeles had a shortage of over 516,000  affordable housing units , and with the onset of COVID-19, more people nationwide are at risk of eviction and homelessness. Resultantly, the amount of homeless people in Los Angeles significantly overfill the homeless shelters in Los Angeles county. The  fastest growing group of homeless  are age 18 to 24, followed by those under age 18.

To support homeless people, shelters and other forms of interim housing are built around Los Angeles to provide a safe place to sleep and offer services to help individuals secure housing. Additionally, supportive housing units, which includes onsite services such as mental health services, benefits counseling and case management, are established to provide permanent spaces for people with disabling conditions who have been homeless for long periods of time to stay. However, all Los Angeles shelters have  waiting lists , and even with rent vouchers, permanent housing does not exist. There are also reasons behind why homeless individuals would refuse shelters: some do not want to leave their dogs behind, some will not travel a far distance from their camp, some have jobs near where they have a tent, and sometimes an entire encampment becomes a community. As a result, only  26 percent  of Los Angeles' homeless are provided shelter.

While establishments are built to aid the homeless population, the threat to homeless populations rises with changes in climate. Heat waves are the  deadliest weather-related event  to hit cities yearly, and their impact gets worse with climate change. Exposure to  extreme heat comes with a variety of health risks , including heat stroke and cardiovascular and respiratory illness, and the homeless population is among the most vulnerable populations to it. Risk factors for heat mortality are closely correlated with the experiences of homeless individuals: psychiatric illness, cardiovascular disease, pulmonary disease, advanced age, living alone, being socially isolated, not using air conditioning, alcoholism, using tranquilizers, and cognitive impairment.

Examples of hostile architecture, a form of architectural design to "prevent" crime and help maintain "order", are everywhere in Los Angeles, from slanted benches and rocky surfaces to street spikes. Such instances of environmental design seek to displace unhoused people from public view at the expense of their safety.

Though it is often the flashiest and most egregious forms of hostile architecture that get the most attention, it is often the most subtle and accepted forms of urban environmental design that deeply impact those experiencing homelessness. Decisions like removing shade structures from bus stops, installing planters in front of shaded storefronts, and installation of bench "armrests" or dividers are all instances of band-aid solutions that disregard the needs of the vulnerable and unhoused.

One solution targeted at alleviating the effects of heat are cooling centers — public spaces where people can access air conditioning — to mitigate the health impacts of heat waves for populations without access to air conditioning.

These are not permanent fixes for the heat problem for the homeless. In fact, it is rare that a single cooling station is filled even during a heatwave. Why is this? 

Up to 62% of vulnerable population groups are not adequately covered by cooling centers in Los Angeles County, and a majority of residents have to walk more for more than 10 minutes to their nearest cooling center. Additionally, because citywide street sweeps destroy encampments in an attempt to beautify the streets, the threat of having unattended belongings taken is a major factor preventing homeless people from accessing city cooling centers. Even if a cooling center was close enough, to get to one, individuals would either have to pack up belongings to take public transportation or leave their belongings unattended and vulnerable. The sweeps themselves contribute to the danger of heatwaves when officials throw out things that people use to protect themselves against the heat - shade structures, food, and water. 

• Take advantage of existing infrastructure as a center for cooling
• Adjust transportation to cooling centers - more bus and train routes
• Improve walkability to cooling centers - more shade coverage for pedestrians
• Protect individuals without permanent employment
• Set up new cooling centers

• Increase the number of shelters available to the homeless
• Increase the number of affordable housing units
• Establish permanent supportive housing - offers homeless individuals with permanent, affordable housing and wraparound services
• Increase programs designed to assist low-income people increase their income
• Ensure access to quality healthcare as integrated with housing services
• Increase access to sustainable career training and employment pathways through programs for the homeless

Project Roomkey began in April 2020 as a collaborative effort by the State, County and the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA) to provide housing via hotel rooms for individuals experiencing homelessness. Most of the cost of the initial project was paid for by the federal government through FEMA, leaving California to pay the rest of the $100 million project.  

However, during September of 2020,  FEMA started to waive its funding , causing the program to shut down. At the project’s height, the occupied percentage in Los Angeles never reached above 30%, as many criticize the program for having no accountability, clear goals, or ease of housing. In fact, hundreds of hotels were left vacant in Los Angeles, citing qualms about branding as reasons to not participate. The failure of the project emphasizes the limitations of both human capital and funding to aid the country’s homelessness problem. 

President Biden recently announced that programs such as Project Roomkey would be  getting a 100% reimbursement  from FEMA instead of the prior 75%. The second round of the project would have many of the same parameters as the first round, but the same issues remain: they are reopening a program that sheltered, at its peak, only 4,000 out of around the 66,000 homeless people in LA County. As the pandemic continues and the threat of summer heat looms, it is important to look into why the solutions available are not being used.

While heat can be described in a number of empirical measurements and metrics, an individual's experience of heat is defined and influenced by a number of personal and environmental factors such as humidity, air pressure, wind speed, shade cover, or even air pollution (Kravchenko 275). "Heat stress", a broad term for the negative effects caused by exposure to intolerable heat, can lead to a number of serious health conditions if left untreated.

Though there is no official definition of a "heat wave", a general definition agreed upon by most researchers is "a period of at least three consecutive days above 90°F (32.2°C)” (Tamrazian 61).

With the advent and adoption of fossil fuel energy sources, global temperatures have trended upward throughout the 20th and 21st centuries. One review of historical temperatures has estimated the annual increase in global surface temperature to be about 0.2°C over the past three decades (Reed 4). According to NASA, the ten globally warmest years on record have occurred in the past fifteen years, with 2020 most recently tied with 2016 to be the hottest year on record.

The picture in Southern California is congruent with global trends. Evaluation of temperatures from 1895 to 2012 reveal an increase of approximately 1°F since the 1970’s (Reed 8). Another study has concluded that the average annual high in Los Angeles has increased by 5.0±0.2°F from 1906-2006, and the average low increasing by 4.2±0.1°F (Tamrazian 67).

upward trends are also visible with regard to heat waves.

In Los Angeles, Tamrazian et al. have evaluated that heat waves have increased by 3.09 events per year from 106 to 2006, and the duration of these events have also trended longer (66).

With the inclusion of isolated high heat days (those exhibiting temperatures peaking at or above 90°F), such days have "increased by a staggering 22.8 occurrences per year" (Tamrazian 66).

it is evident by a number of metrics that heat at the global and regional level has been increasing in intensity, length, and occurrence.

While the primary driver of global heat increases is estimated (with 95% certainty) to be anthropogenic activity leading to greenhouse effects (IPCC), a significant factor in the trend evident in Los Angeles has been determined to be the Urban Heat Island effect (UHI).

As defined by the EPA, heat islands are "urbanized areas that experience higher temperatures than outlying areas".

the heat island [effect] can increase the temperature of the urban air by 2 to 10 degrees F when compared to the surrounding countryside (Tamrazian 65)

This phenomenon is a result of the heating properties of manmade structures. Wide stretches of dark, impervious asphalt and roofs absorb heat, and tall buildings can reflect heat and sunlight onto pedestrians, as well as block cooling airflow. Utilities such as air conditioners and cars generate heat as they function, and the lack of trees and vegetation results in a lack of shade. Air pollution can further insulate cities by blocking outflow of heat.

The illnesses and harms of excessive heat is poorly studied and can manifest in varied ways.

The most obvious effect of excessive heat is  heat stroke , also known as hyperthermia. This condition occurs when the body is unable to regulate its temperature to a normal safe range. Initial symptoms include confusion, dizziness, and rapid heartrate and breathing. If untreated, it can lead to severe organ damage and death.

There are also heat-related, or "heat-coded" illnesses that result from high temperatures. This can include heat cramps, heat exhaustion, and dehydration. Many of these illnesses can progress to heat stroke if left untreated.

Finally, and perhaps most poorly understood, are the various chronic illnesses or conditions exacerbated by the effects of excessive heat. Cardiovascular and cerebrovascular disease, respiratory disorders, and acute renal failure are some of the most common occasions for ER visits during extreme heat waves. In addition, maternal hyperthermia is tied to serious health consequences for the fetus.

Death rates generally increase in heat waves, however, both heat related illnesses and deaths are poorly tracked, misclassified, or go unrecognized. The danger of intensifying heat waves is only further exacerbated by a dearth of data on the occurrences of these illnesses.

Boyle Heights has an average land surface temperature that is 2.6 degrees Celsius greater than the citywide average. The neighborhood is approximately 71% impervious surfaces, with 4% of the area covered by trees.

at the primary level, a lack of shelter from extreme heat

Hostile architecture often denies shade from direct sunlight. Shelters like highway overpasses, bus stops, and structures near businesses or storefronts are made inaccessible for those looking for respite from the elements. This significantly increases the intensity of heat experienced -- "direct sunlight and solar radiation makes the air feel 10 to 15 degrees warmer than it actually is" (Lushine).

One measure taken against heat waves, heat refuges, are often insufficient for the needs of the community, let alone unhoused people. In fact, the most accessible forms of "heat refuges" are commercial spaces like malls, stores, and restaurants--spaces difficult or openly hostile to people who are deemed "undesirably" homeless. (Fraser et al. 7)

• hostile architecture denies shade from direct sunlight-- "direct sunlight and solar radiation makes the air feel 10 to 15 degrees warmer than it actually is" (Lushine).
• availability of heat refuges are limited for unsheltered folks

at the secondary level, greater occurrences of factors that increase vulnerability to heat events

Unhoused individuals generally experience reduced access to healthcare, drinking water, social connections and support systems

There are also greater occurrences of chronic illnesses and conditions that are exacerbated by heat stress (Ramin and Svoboda 655): advanced age, pulmonary and cardiovascular disease, psychiatric illness, and substance use, to name a few.

The intersections between experiencing homelessness and other factors associated with vulnerability to extreme heat events (socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, age) are not coincidental or minor. Addressing heat vulnerability must be one part of a holistic ground-up approach to eliminating poverty and housing insecurity.

The challenging nature of the issues at hand lead to complex interactions between the solutions experts propose. How might the varied approaches to combat gentrification, homelessness, and heat work in conjunction? How might they conflict?

Green spaces provide shade, which is the most important factor in providing thermal comfort. Trees can also provide a reflective barrier against incoming heat, and bodies of water cool the air through the evaporation of water. But how might they affect the other community issues discussed?

• gentrification: How can we ensure that green spaces benefit the community? Or can the addition of parks be an act of "green gentrification" that raises property values and pushes out residents?

• homelessness: Are the parks being implemented in ways that are hostile to folks experiencing homelessness? Who are the green spaces designed for?

In communities like Boyle Heights, many residents are especially vulnerable to heat and health issues.

• Gentrification: It is important that the voices of community advocates are prioritized in understanding the needs of the neighborhood. How do we originate development of community resources from within the community? How have migration patterns and gentrification pushed out longstanding health resources in the area, like the Japanese Hospital (left)?

• UHI: How can we provide medical services during extreme heat events, especially to vulnerable populations?

• homelessness: How can we expand access to quality long-term and short-term healthcare for unhoused individuals? How can these resources assist people with securing shelter and safe living conditions?

The dominant measures of combating UHI have come down to:

1) increasing albedo of surfaces - albedo is the capacity of a material to reflect light and radiation. Increasing the albedo of urban surfaces and structures intends to reduce the root of the issue--the excessive absorption and radiation of heat by artificial surfaces like traditional asphalt, pavement, and concrete.

Implementations include new engineered materials and coatings on existing surfaces and "cool roofs".

2) increasing green spaces in urban areas - urban vegetation has been found in some studies to increase the evapotranspiration rate of areas: the taking in of water and subsequent evaporation by plants that takes surface heat with it. Trees also provide shade, and generally better thermal comfort than engineered albedo-oriented solutions.

Implementations of this approach include planting more vegetation within existing urban infrastructures, building parks and green spaces, and placing gardens and "green roofs" on existing and new buildings.

• gentrification: How can we improve upon existing structures and valuable resources already present in communities, rather than deconstructing and replacing? How can we ensure that the community maintains its own agency and accessibility while implementing these solutions?
• UHI: Which solutions, such as roofing, shade structures, cooling stations, and tree planting can be implemented in the most cost-effective way?
• homelessness: How can urban environmental design accommodate and target the thermal comfort and safety of homeless folks?

Boyle Heights offers a glimpse into the underlying currents tying together gentrification, homelessness, and heat in disadvantaged communities. While the neighborhood is a resilient one with a strong social fabric, many residents face mounting financial hardships threatening to push them out of their homes. In addition, the neighborhood is statistically more vulnerable to the negative effects of heat exposure, as the urban heat island phenomenon is felt the hardest in disadvantaged communities like Boyle Heights. The solutions posed to mitigate these issues are as complex as the issues themselves, and leaders must be especially careful to avoid exacerbating one problem in their attempts to fix another.

Above all, it is crucial to center the voices of the residents themselves in conversations around improving the community. The strengths of Boyle Heights--its rich legacy and present day resilience of community organization and support networks, offer valuable resources and guidelines in addressing these pressing intersecting issues.

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