Senegal and Islam

In Senegal (population 16 million), 95.9% of people are Muslim and 4.1% are Christian (primarily Roman Catholic). Most Muslims are a part of one of four Sufi brotherhoods: Tijaniyyah, Muridiyyah, Qadiriyyah, Layene (CIA World Factbook, Senegal Britannica).

Sufism is also known as Islamic mysticism. It prioritizes gaining knowledge and divine love through emotional and personal connections with God (Britannica Sufism). Sufism is different than scripturalist Islam where the love of God is emphasized rather than fear or disconnection from God (Soloman 178). Here is a podcast link from the  Ottoman History Podcast  to provide more background information on Sufism.

Within each Sufi brotherhood, there is a caliph, the leader and mediator of the brotherhood, and a marabout, a spiritual leader and scholar of the Quran, who guides communities. Sufi influence has declined in modern times, but is still prominent in Senegal. Local marabouts hold power in elections, rural conflicts, and in some legal courts. Throughout history, Sufi brotherhoods have impacted the cultural, economic, and political landscape of Senegal.

There has been a recent intermingling between Sufism and Islamism in Senegal.

Islamism is a political ideology which emphasizes the creation of an Islamic state and utilizes traditional Islamic doctrines to mould legal and political systems. While Sufism focuses on the individual's relationship to God, Islamism prioritizes political power and domination (Soloman 177).

After the 1988 election, protests and violence rose in Senegal. There was increasing dissatisfaction with the economy and government. This led to a declining in the legitimacy and authority of Sufism, which in turn, gave rise to the presence of Islamists in Senegal. Islamist movements were primarily found in universities and students became the agents of change within Senegal. Maraboutic participation in political movements further "blurred the distinction between 'Sufis' and 'Islamists'" (Villalon 65). After 9/11, many Senegalese Muslims protested against US intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq, which continued to blur the differences between Sufis and Islamists.

While the relationship between Sufis and Islamists in Senegal is still evolving, their history is noteworthy and will continue to shape the religious landscape of the country. By joining discussions together and intermingling within the maraboutic system, Sufis and Islamists might create change within the government in the near future.

The Wolof ethnic group started practicing Islam in the first half of the 11th century (Babou 21). In 1040, Islam spread to Senegal from the conversion of Waar Jaabi, the ruler of an ancient West African empire, Tekrur. Early Islamic practices in Senegal were limited to aristocrats and the ruling class.

By 1600, the Wolof Empire declined, which led to the break up of states.

States were influenced heavily by Muslim traders, and Muslim clerics became increasingly involved in politics (Babou 22). Muslim advisors provided "mystical protection and political support" to communities (22). Clerics also began declaring the aristocracy's Islamic practices illegitimate, and supported the practices of laypeople.

Nasir al-Din started the Toubenan Movement (1673-1677).

Nasir al-Din called on kings to abide by Islamic teachings, and prevent the enslavement of subjects. He wanted elites to support the people in their Islamic practices. A version of this movement was seen when French colonists controlled the area. The cause and definition of jihad within the Toubenan Movement is contested by scholars. Boubacar Barry argues that it was a reaction to the trans-Saharan trade, and exemplifies Western versus Muslim conflict. Philip Curtain alludes to religious differences and the internal struggles of Muslims. Ultimately, it is evident that a combination of factors could have motivated Nasir al-Din to pursue this movement. It should be noted that, "Muslim jihadists are not always motivated by one clearly articulated agenda; their commitments might be based on different expectations in different circumstances" (Babou 24). The definition and reasoning for jihad varies and within history, the concept should always be put in context.

The Portuguese sought gold in 1445 and began centuries of slave trading (Barry 36). Some believe that Senegambia was the first source of slaves and became the main exporter to Europe (39). The introduction of Europeans into the African continent still has a lasting impact on the political, religious, and social dealings of Senegalese Muslims.

Internal revolutions and reform movements ensued from French colonization.

Muslims attached themselves to marabout-led movements. Underground Islamic movements began once the French promoted Shaykh Siddiyya Al Kabir's grandson to counteract hostile Muslim leaders. A succession of French and British governors ensued.

Muslims' sense of community strengthened through reform movements, and in February 1855, al-Hajj Umar Tall launched a jihad, or holy war (Harrison 10). Umar Tall utilized a more violent venue of change and has been historically known for representing militant resistance (Villalon 10). This form of jihad resembles the Muslim fight against crusaders. Since the French enslaved Muslims and disregarded traditional Sufi practices, it was within the right of Sufis to defend themselves.

Muslims tolerated Europeans, but encroaching imperialism imposed on this 'good neighborliness'. The French were worried about Umar Tall's 1855 call and directed attention toward education. The French built secular schools, and eventually defeated Umar Tall.

Senegal became a territory of France in 1884 after the Berlin Conference. From the late 1800s to early 1900s, France attempted to incorporate marabouts into schooling. The French used assimilationist tactics which emphasized French education, but maintained certain religious and political aspects of Senegal. Four Communes were created, which contained French schools with marabout teachers. Some marabouts attempted to resist, but eventually they joined forces with the French out of cooperation and necessity. Teachers could only maintain their status if they influenced Muslims to attend these schools. In 1903, 51 of 202 marabouts were authorized to continue teaching by the French authorities (Harrison 57). While the French held control over Senegal, these schools were difficult to control. Muslims were still the majority therefore Sufi brotherhoods and Islamic power persisted.

The accommodation and incorporation of Islam in everyday life changed in 1905 with the French law on the Separation of the Churches and State. Laïcité or assertive secularism was put in place with the introduction of this law. Laïcité divides religion and state, and bans public display and expression of religion. While the Islamic presence in Senegal was too powerful for the full implementation of assertive secularism, Islam was taken out of political affairs. The Senegalese interpretation of laïcité was fully realized by President Léopold Sédar Senghor, the first to serve in post-independence Senegal. He created a strict separation of church and state, but welcomed religion into the public sphere. France's secularist policies are still discussed today in Senegal. Currently, secularism is being challenged as Sufi brotherhoods are entering political spaces. These recent developments challenge the long-held policies of France's colonial rule.

Sufism is tolerant of other religions and teaches that God is within every being (Diouf 219). Everyone's spiritual path is guided by the same reason, but each are found in different representations. This Sufi doctrine is seen in Senegalese policymaking and government initiatives.

The State Department gave a 2019 report on international religious freedoms within Senegal. The report found that the government provides financial and material assistance for a variety of religious groups. Pilgrimages made by Catholics and Muslims are financially supported by the Senegalese government. State officials also attend all important religious events whether that be a Sufi brotherhood meeting, or a Catholic ceremony (Diouf 217). Religious education is also voluntary in Senegal, which creates a more equitable and inclusive space. French and Murid cooperation was vital in colonial times, and the past cooperation between the Senegalese and French created the inclusive atmosphere we see in Senegal today.

Some have ranked Senegal as the leading democracy in the Islamic world since 2000 (Diouf 205).

While Senegal exemplifies a democratic state where church and state are not always separated, Muslims still hold a majority in Senegal. The impact of Senegalese demographics is seen in some initiatives. Muslims demanded voting rights early on during the period of French colonization. Therefore, we see intense maraboutic pressure on voting patterns, and voter mobilization. The maraboutic system is institutionalized only in Senegal and the marabouts act as spokesmen for rural interests (Miles 161, 165). Marabouts also settle some legal disputes rather than a court judge holding this judicial power.

Religious groups can also acquire a legal status allowing them tax exemptions. A pertinent example is the $35 million Massalikul Jinaan mosque, which received tax exemptions. While Muslims will most likely make up the majority within Senegal for many years to come, there are still government initiatives to provide inclusivity to all. For example, in 2019, the largest share of education funding went to Christian schools.

Muslims in Senegal have found subversive methods of accessing power since the French colonized their land. A noteworthy historical example of this phenomenon is when Amadu Bamba, the founder of the Muridiyyah brotherhood, preached against slavery amid a hostile, imperialistic time. Bamba called upon Muslims to practice nonviolence and peace. He was not swayed by positions of power and instead, utilized subversive methods to undermine French rule and support his Muslim brothers. During the height of his practice, he was perceived as a threat to colonists and was exiled on two separate occasions.

After exile, Bamba took a different approach and promoted a level of acceptance between the French government and the Sufi brotherhoods.

In a letter, Bamba declared that the French government has ultimately been friendly toward Muslims by encouraging their Islamic practice (Robinson 162). While Amadu Bamba did not serve as a permanent source of resistance, he led the French government to consolidate economic power within Senegal and allow for greater tolerance of Islam. Many were disapproving of this union of interests, but ultimately, Bamba was and still is seen as a revolutionary figure.

It is important to look at female representation and leadership within the democratic system of Senegal. It is evident that Sufi brotherhoods and maraboutic systems have access to governmental power. I will analyze women's roles in Sufi brotherhoods in order to assess their level of access to the socio-political influence of brotherhoods.

Women's power in the maraboutic system is limited, and is best described as subversive. Women are primarily disciples within a given brotherhood, but they can join a dahira, or a religious association. Most women are involved in all-female dahiras. Within these associations, women have leadership roles and maintain their legitimacy by attaching their association to a particular marabout. Women raise funds for marabouts, organize meetings, and even participate in televised commercials for their dahira. Their legitimacy and visibility is increasing, but most have small or subversive roles in religious and political systems. For example, it has become known that a wife of a marabout motivated him to create a political party, and became the primary force in his political agendas. While she is physically behind him during political rallies, she takes the lead with his speeches and political meetings (Bop 10, 11).

As mentioned before, the Senegalese maraboutic system stands as a powerful political force. A study analyzing the role of marabouts in elections found that marabouts (especially Mourides) assist politicians in mobilizing voters, and they even order citizens to vote for particular candidates (Koter). Marabouts even create their own political parties in order to push candidates through the election process. Ultimately, Koter found that religion does not predict voting patterns as Senegalese Muslims support candidates "across religious and brotherhood lines" (Koter).

The structure of post-independence Senegal supports a multicultural government. Pictured above are Léopold Sédar Senghor (1960-80) and Macky Sall (2012-present), respectively Catholic and Muslim presidents of Senegal. These Senegalese presidents exemplify to the inclusive government of modern-day Senegal. While Koter's study and past elections attest to Senegalese political diversity, Sufi brotherhoods exercise power through large numbers of disciples and rural connections. Abdoulaye Wade, President of Senegal between 2000-2012, kneeled before the Mouride caliph on the day of the 2000 election (Villalon 66). This blatant display of religious preference emphasizes the impact of Sufi brotherhoods in government affairs.