From Plague to Treaty and Beyond

We acknowledge that the land on which we gather, learn, and work is part of the traditional and unceded territory of the Coast Salish peoples, who have lived in and stewarded this region since time immemorial. The Puget Sound area is deeply connected to the history, culture, and sovereignty of the Coast Salish Tribes. These communities, each being unique in its own rights, share in having maintained and continuing to maintain a profound relationship with the land, waters, and natural resources of the Salish Sea, embodying resilience, wisdom, and respect for the environment.

We recognize the ongoing impacts of colonization, displacement, and systemic inequities faced by Indigenous peoples, and we commit to honoring their sovereignty, stories, and contributions. As we've engaged in the research for this story map, we have strived to critically evaluate all sources according to their historical context, support Tribal-led initiatives, and foster meaningful collaboration with the Coast Salish peoples and all Indigenous communities.

This acknowledgment is not just a statement but a call to action - to reflect on our responsibilities, to educate ourselves and others, and to actively work toward justice, equity, and reconciliation.

Welcome to our Story Map, told through an annotated bibliography to answer an inquiry question. In it, we explore the profound ways infectious diseases shaped the physical and cultural landscapes of Indigenous tribes involved in the Treaty of Point Elliott. Our inquiry question, "In what ways did epidemics alter populations and cultural practices and exacerbate inequality in Indigenous tribes involved in the Treaty of Point Elliott?" is not just a historical investigation but a deeply human one with ramifications for the modern era. It came from our fascination for indigenous practices, art, and medicine, and the question: What happened to the people here? It seeks to uncover the intertwined stories of loss, resilience, and adaptation that defined the experiences of Native peoples in the Pacific Northwest during a pivotal moment in history.

As a group, we come to this project with a shared commitment to honoring the voices and experiences of Indigenous communities. We acknowledge that the history we are exploring is not just a series of events but a living legacy that continues to impact Indigenous communities today.

Our positionality as non-Indigenous researchers compels us to center Indigenous perspectives and to critically examine the colonial structures that contributed to the devastation wrought by disease and colonialization.

This inquiry sheds light on a history that has often been overlooked or minimized in mainstream narratives. The arrival of European settlers brought not only territorial displacement but also devastating epidemics that decimated Indigenous populations, disrupted cultural practices, and altered the balance of power in treaty negotiations. By examining population trends, the cultural impacts of disease, and the perpetuation of health disparities, we aim to provide a nuanced understanding of how infectious diseases shaped the lives and futures of Indigenous tribes.

Through our research, we have identified three key sub-claims:

1. Population decline due to disease severely weakened Indigenous tribes’ ability to negotiate the treaty on equal footing.
2. Disease disrupted spiritual and cultural practices within Indigenous communities.
3. The epidemics were systematically used/acted on for settler-colonial interests, with little care for the needs of indigenous peoples with disparities that still exist today.

As you navigate this Story Map, we invite you to reflect on the resilience of Indigenous communities in the face of unimaginable loss and to consider how the legacies of these events continue to shape the present. Future research could focus on the state/federal governments obligations to care for (and their failures) the modern imported diseases such as fentynal, alcholism, and poverty as outlined in the treaty and the BIA.

For all of the Pacific Northwest, Boyd estimates a pre-colonial population at 180,000 (conservative estimate), whereas by the late 1800s, only 35,000-40,000 were left, an average decline of over 75% (Boyd, 1999, p. 1).

Among the tribes inolved in the Treaty of Point Elliot, figures surrounding population loss are difficult to come by relative to other tribes among the Pacific Northwest, but by taking an average of the estimates of pre-epidemic and post-epidemic populations, we can approximate the population decline to be around 44% for the Lummi and Samish tribes, 77.4% for the Nooksack Tribe, and 33.9% for the larger "Puget Salish" ethnolinguistic area (Lushootseed) (Boyd, p. 264). Despite the relatively lower numbers for the Lummi, Samish, and Puget Salish, they are still large, especially for these tightly knit, culturally rich social units.

He also lays out a timeline for when each epidemic struck each ethnolinguistic region:

Documents of smallpox in the late 1700s are not as clear as later epidemics, but there are reports by trading vessels like Captain Vancouver's reports that document widespread sickness. Additionally, oral history from Indigenous peoples describe widespread population losses and destruction from this period.

It is important to note that in the early 1800s, Indigenous peoples far outnumbered settlers in this region. 70 years later, the prospect of gold and the vast resources such as old-growth lumber which had been cared for since time immemorial caused an influx of settlers to the region, coupled with population loss, settlers outnumbered Indigenous peoples. Because of the population losses, tribal negotiating power was greatly reduced in the Puget Sound, a trend that likely occurred across the continent.

Boyd’s novel, spanning decades of research, provides a comprehensive analysis of how infectious diseases, most notably smallpox, devastated Indigenous populations in the Pacific Northwest between 1774 and 1874. The book meticulously documents population declines, epidemic outbreaks, and their sociopolitical consequences, including the timing of treaties such as the Treaty of Point Elliott following epidemics (p. 171). Boyd employs a multidisciplinary approach, aggregating primary sources like settler journals, company records, and secondary sources to reconstruct demographic trends and epidemic histories. A key contribution is his aggregation of population estimates (p. 266), which details epidemic outbreak years and population estimates. His work is a core text for this field of study. This edition is published by the University of Washington Press and is peer-reviewed, situating it within academic conversations on colonialism, Indigenous history, and epidemiology. It is intended for researchers and scholars, particularly those studying the demographic impacts of European contact on Indigenous communities. His work is highly credible due to its methodological rigor (approx. 40% of the novel is citations) in aggregating primary sources into one seminal text. Access to the work requires purchase or access through a library.

Infectious diseases such as smallpox, measles, and influenza had devastating effects on the spiritual, social, and cultural fabric of Indigenous tribes in our area. These diseases decimated populations and forced significant changes in how indigenous communities maintained their traditions, healing practices, and social structures.

For many Indigenous peoples, spiritual and cultural practices were intricately tied to community life, gatherings, and intergenerational knowledge (Harris, 1994). Community gatherings such as dances, rituals, and ceremonies dwindled as the death toll rose. Elders who were the key bearers of oral history and spiritual guidance were especially vulnerable. As a result, the passing of knowledge and tradition was interrupted and left a significant void in the transmission of culture from one generation to the next. Children and knowledgeable healers (often elders) were overwhelmed with the influx of disease.

Though it is of the region outside of the treaty bounds, it reflects the larger trend that disease disrupted the transmission of cultural knowledge, particularly by removing vital spiritual leaders. This weakened the cultural cohesion of communities as oral history was the primary source of passing down knowledge. Having suffered from decades of repeated epidemics, which were much more fatal than COVID-19 and far more traumatizing, surviving indigenous communities of the Northwest had to emerge to a world far different than their elders just a few generations prior.

The immense loss of life from diseases weakened tribes’ ability to negotiate the Treaty of Point Elliot on equal grounds, as communities struggled to maintain leadership. With the loss of many elders, traditional ways of governing were destabilized. This fragmentation allowed colonists to manipulate treaty terms and failed to address the needs of indigenous communities. (Wilkinson, 2024)

Harmon's 1998 work analyzes the development/evolution of Indigenous identities in response to the external forces of epidemics, Christianity, and government policy. She argues that Indigenous Identity is not a static thing, but one that changes in response to settler-colonial pressure. For example, she mentions smallpox' devestating affects on social structures (p.14), and the curiosity about Christianity and Western medicine (p. 39). Harmon's authority as a scholar is evident in her critical (and at-times humorous) examination of primary sources, including oral histories, news articles, autobiographies, and witness testimonies. This scholarly text is published by the University of California Press and is intended for academic audiences studying Indigenous history and settler-colonialism. It underwent a rigorous peer-review process, ensuring its credibility within academic conversations about Indigenous identity and cultural change. Access requires purchase or access through a library.

Smith, H. A. (1887). Chief Seattle's 1854 Speech. University of Washington, Center for Pacific Northwest Studies.  https://www.washington.edu/uwired/outreach/cspn/Website/Classroom%20Materials/Reading%20the%20Region/Texts%20by%20and%20about%20Natives/Texts/7.html 

This primary source is white settler's, Henry A. Smith’s, 1887 translation of Chief Seattle’s 1854, delivered prior to the signing of the Treaty of Point Elliott. Smith’s translation reflects a mournful tone, likely influenced by the devastating 1853 epidemic that ravaged Indigenous communities. While I believe the speech itself truly happened (unlike some scholars), Smith’s credibility as a translator is questionable, as he had limited knowledge of Lushootseed, the language Chief Seattle spoke, and his interpretation is infused with Victorian-era biases. Harmon (1998) critiques Smith’s translation, noting how it perpetuates a narrative of Indigenous decline and inferiority, which aligns with the settler-colonial mindset of the time (p. 69). Despite these limitations, the speech is a valuable primary source for understanding how settlers interpreted and manipulated Indigenous voices to justify colonialism. It is relevant to my inquiry as it demonstrates how epidemics and settler attitudes contributed to cultural shifts, including the portrayal of Indigenous peoples as inferior and destined to disappear. This source also highlights the importance of critically evaluating primary sources, as Smith’s translation reflects his own cultural biases rather than an accurate representation of Chief Seattle’s message. The speech was published in the Seattle Sunday Star, a local newspaper, and was intended for a settler audience. It situates itself within conversations about Indigenous-settler relations and the cultural impacts of colonization. Access to the source requires archival research or access to a computer for the digitized copy provided by UW.

Harris, C. (1994). Voices of disaster: Smallpox around the Strait of Georgia in 1782. Ethnohistory, 41(4), 591–626.  https://doi.org/10.2307/482767 

In this work, Harris focuses on smallpox's social, cultural, and economic consequences in the Straight of Georgia. The article argues that smallpox not only caused massive population loss but also disrupted Indigenous social structures, cultural practices, and intertribal relations, leading to long-term destabilization. Harris supports his analysis with historical accounts, including Indigenous oral traditions and settler documents, to illustrate how the epidemic reshaped Indigenous ways of life. Harris’s credibility is established through his use of critical perspetive and diverse use of primary sources, including Indigenous oral histories and archival documents, as well as his academic expertise as a historian with a Ph.D. This scholarly article is published in Ethnohistory, a peer-reviewed journal, and is intended for academics and students studying Indigenous history, colonialism, and health history. Access requires a library subscription or purchase through academic databases.

Infectious diseases have had a long-lasting impact on the Indigenous tribes involved in the signing of the Treaty. With the arrival of white settlers also came a slew of new diseases, primarily smallpox. Epidemics wiped out generations of Indigenous Americans, with smallpox outbreaks decades prior to and around the time the Treaty of Point Elliott was signed in 1855. It was known that doctors and healthcare were available for settlers and army members experiencing symptoms but not to those outside of those groups. This disparity in access to healthcare resulted in entire villages being wiped out and the remaining that survived being left to their own devices in a weakened state. Though Article XIV of The Treaty of Point Elliot designated physicians, medicine, and vaccines to the tribes in 1855, in practice it was unevenly distributed and the intergenerational effects and culture shocks had already been altered by the diseases. A vaccine for smallpox had existed since 1796, but getting it to the remote communities was a challenge, and the racism that pervaded at the time served as a hinderance to effective action. Some vaccinations were undertaken by altruistic missionaries, though some tribes were skeptical. When services for vaccination and healthcare were provided under the treaty, they were bundled with services meant to assimilate them into European culture.

Indigenous communties did not have the generations of antibodies that Europeans had from living in urban areas and alongside livestock. Some settlers were aware of this and took advantage of that, taking land from "abandoned" villages. Settlers possessed technological power and had access to specific resources that provided them a sense of security that Indigenous peoples did not have. Especially following the signing of the Treaty, the attitudes and spirit of the tribes were at an all time low as they were essentially forced into this “peace agreement” through intimidation. Cultural practices, traditions, and rights were stripped from them in more ways than one. Through disease, many oral teachings and practices were lost as a result of the deaths of elders and other tribe members. Disease became a weapon that settlers used to suppress Native culture and gain power in areas they desired resources and land from.

This source is a firsthand account and autobiography from a Salish grandmother and Lummi elder, describing cultural practices, her perspective of historical events she experienced, and special memories. These accounts include depictions of her experiences with white settlers coming into the area in addition to the struggles her community faced with their arrival; disease, death, injustice, intimidation/power struggles, and treaty negotiations. She also explains how land and treaty rights impacted her tribe along with important cultural teachings that shaped her core values.  Hillaire shares accounts of tribe members that suffered from the smallpox epidemic (p. 140) in addition to outlining instances of injustice related to health and laws (pg. 90-94). She uses specific references to policies that were implemented to highlight the disparities between white settlers and Native tribes. Hillaire also emphasizes the differences between the Native experience and White settlers throughout historical events like the signing of the treaty and creation of reservation lands. Access to the book through a library or purchase is required.

Thrush's chapter “Seattle Illahee” (p. 40-65) centers on Indigenous labor, cultural resistance, and forced displacement during the city’s early years (1850's to 1930's), emphasizing how Indigenous communities shaped Seattle’s economic and social premise, all while being marginalized. Thrush’s work impedes settler-colonial narratives by framing Indigenous people’s as essential to the city’s emergence rather than nonexistent. His utilization of historical accounts, settler memoirs, and Indigenous oral histories emphasizes a narrative that Indigenous peoples were seen as a people dying out following the epdemics.

Native Seattle is a peer-reviewed scholarly source that is applicable across Indigenous studies, Pacific Northwest studies, urban history, and settler-colonialism.

Coll Thrush is a historian that specializes in Indigenous and settler colonial history, displaying high credibility through extensive research with primary sources and engagement with Indigenous perspectives. His work delineates how disease outbreaks in Seattle were used as justification for the displacement of Indigenous peoples away from urban centers along with the innate racism of settlers which laid the seeds for disparities we see in Indigenous communities today.

In many ways, the mistreatment and plight of the indigenous peoples of the Puget Sound and around the world reflect the colonialism mindset that sees forests, fish, and people as something to extract for value. The environmental issues we see around the world and in the Northwest are the result of this extractive mindset, reflecting the irony of the name of Boyd's book The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence. Fortunately, nature is resilient and when we work with it, it thrives. We see this reflected in Indigenous communties today as they make efforts to maintain their cultures, hold onto their languages, work with local governments to reclaim unused land, and manage natural resources sustainably.

The detrimental impact of infectious diseases in Indigenous communities not only altered their physical and cultural landscapes but also perpetuated the power imbalances that wrote the Treaty of Point Elliott. As our research displayed, disease-induced population decline left tribes unable to negotiate on the same level as European settlers. This resulted in the treaty’s failure to provide adequate healthcare, further prolonging systemic neglect. These patterns of historical trauma continue to reflect in present-day health disparities. As Jones (2006) states, “The disparities in health status could arise from the disparities in wealth and power that have endured since colonization” (p. 2,132).

By acknowledging these injustices, we must ask: How can we address ongoing health disparities (alcholism, poverty, fentanyl, environmental exposures, etc.) in Indigenous communities? What policies and resources can help support Indigenous sovereignty? What can we learn from indigenous communities to be better caregivers of our environment?